Nobility. In the first half of the 19th century, the topic of the wealth of the nobles was closely related... In the first half of the century, noble children received home education. ... A strict subordination was maintained in the houses, similar to the requirements of Domostroy. The noble family at all times had a certain, traditional way of life, regulated at the legislative level.
We have already briefly reviewed these regulations, and now it is our turn to look at the noble family through the eyes of its members.
For this purpose, I selected sources of personal origin, namely diaries and memoirs of nobles, covering both the first and second half of the 19th century.
Family structure is a style of family behavior. The family structure depends on the position of the family, its class and level of well-being. Family structure is the rhythm of family life, the dynamics of its development, the stability of spiritual and moral principles, the psychological climate, and emotional well-being.
What were the general features of the noble family structure?
In the first half of the 19th century, the noble family was dominated by patriarchy and hierarchy.
The head of the family was always recognized as the father - through whose efforts the family lived, secured in many ways precisely by his efforts in financial and moral terms.
In the notes of P.I. Golubev, a St. Petersburg official of the 30s, we find that he served diligently, and brought all the means and favors to the family. He called his wife “you” and by her first name and patronymic, but she, in turn, treated him with respect and followed him everywhere.
While he was away at work, his wife took care of the house and children.
They had two children - a boy and a girl. As P.I. writes Golubev:
“I worked only with my son, the mother - with her daughter.” In the evenings, the family loved to have conversations, they also went to church, diligently invested energy and resources in the future lives of their children - their son was given a university education, their daughter was married off.
The division of the family into male and female hierarchies can be traced in women's memoirs. M.S. Nikoleva and A.Ya. Butkovskaya constantly mentions in her memoirs that their social circle always consisted of either sisters, or cousins, or numerous aunts and acquaintances of their mothers, mothers-in-law, etc. In the family home or at a party, the rooms allocated to them always meant a “female half” and were distant from the men’s quarters.
But this does not mean at all that they shunned male relatives; brothers and cousins also formed their social circle, but to a very small extent. It's all about the role of men - they were busy with business, or were absent on duty. Brothers M.S. Nikoleva spent quite a long time away from her family, as she was in the active army and fought against the French. A similar situation developed among Nikoleva’s other relatives. Here's what she writes about her aunt's son, cousin Pyotr Protopopov:
“Peter Sergeevich, having spent 30 years in the service, was unaccustomed to female society and therefore seemed like a savage and an original. Until the age of 45, he visited his family only occasionally for short periods of time. “The second brother, Nikolai Sergeevich, served in the ministry in St. Petersburg, was devout, belonged to the Masonic lodge, and rarely visited his parents.”
After the death of her husband A.Ya. Butkovskaya wrote:
“In 1848, my husband, who held the rank of lieutenant general engineer and director of the Naval Construction Department, suddenly died of apoplexy. Of course, in the past years we had heavy family losses, but this event was especially sensitive to me and completely changed my life.
I retired to my estate and began to take less part in public life. During the Hungarian campaign, the Eastern War, two of my sons were in the active forces, and I was involuntarily interested in the course of military events.”
Young women, unlike their male relatives, were almost always under the shadow of their parents' home, under the care of their mother, or older relatives or companions, nannies, and governesses. And only after marriage did they throw off such harsh shackles of excessive guardianship, although they came under the wing of their mother-in-law or their husband’s relatives.
Patriarchy in relation to women also had its exceptions to the rules. If a man is the head of the family, then after his death this leadership passed, as a rule, to his widow, or to the eldest son, if he was not busy in the service.
“The behavior of widows, who were entrusted with the responsibilities of the status of head of the family, was freer. Sometimes, having transferred actual control to their son, they were satisfied with the role of the symbolic head of the family. For example, the Moscow general-governor Prince D.V. Golitsyn, even in small things, must ask for the blessing of his mother Natalya Petrovna, who continued to see a minor child in the sixty-year-old military leader.”
Besides the role of the wife, the role of the mother was considered the most important. However, after the birth of a child, a distance immediately arose between him and the mother. This began from the very first days of the baby’s life, when, for reasons of decency, the mother did not dare to breastfeed her child; this responsibility fell on the shoulders of the nurse.
P.I. Golubev wrote that due to the custom of weaning a child from his mother’s breast, he and his wife lost two babies. The first daughter died from improper feeding while they were looking for a wet nurse, the second son died after contracting a disease from his wet nurse.
Taught by bitter experience, they moved away from the custom and his wife, contrary to decency, herself fed the subsequent children, thanks to which they remained alive.
But the custom of weaning children from their mother’s breast continued until the end of the 19th century.
The cooling towards the child as an individual was determined by his social role in the future. The son was alienated from his mother, since he was being prepared to serve his homeland and his circle of interests, activities, acquaintances was under her jurisdiction only until he was seven years old, then he went to his father. The mother could only monitor her son's progress. The girl was seen as a future wife and mother, and this resulted in the family’s special attitude towards her - they tried to make an ideal out of her.
V.N. Karpov wrote in his memoirs:
“In those years, the “women’s question” (the question of changing the role of women, including in the family) did not exist at all. A girl was born into the world - and the task of her life was simple and not difficult. The girl grew and developed so that at the age of seventeen she could blossom into a magnificent flower and get married.”
From this follows another characteristic feature of the noble family structure of the first half of the 19th century - the chilled relationship between children and parents. The generally accepted goal of the family is to prepare their children to serve the fatherland or the family of the spouse. The relationship between parents and children was built on this goal. Duty to society became more important than parental feelings.
In families of wealthy nobles leading a secular lifestyle, where spouses were found either at court, or the spouse held a high-ranking position, visits with children became a rare occurrence. Such children were either left in the care of nannies or sent to prestigious educational boarding schools.
A.H. Benckendorff writes in his memoirs about how his parents (father - prime major, mother - former courtier) first sent him to a boarding school in Prussia, then, dissatisfied with his educational success, sent him to a private boarding school in St. Petersburg. In his youth he remained in the care of his father's relatives:
“I lived with my uncle, my father’s brother; my aunt, an excellent woman, took all the care of me personally.”
The practice of transferring care of their child to relatives was quite common among the nobility. This happened for various reasons - orphanhood, social life, or the plight of the parents.
M.S. Nikoleva described the following incident in her aunt’s family:
“Among the Protopopovs’ relatives was a certain Kutuzov with nine daughters and a son. The daughters were all good-looking. The mother, a capricious, self-willed woman, remained a widow, did not like one of her daughters, Sofya Dmitrievna, and did not give her shelter, except for the girls' room, where, in the company of servants, she sat on the window and knitted a stocking. My aunt, seeing the mother’s dislike for the child, took her into her house. Her cousins fell in love with her and began to teach her everything she could...
When brother Peter retired, he found Sonechka, 15, living in his family for years, like her own...
Her mother completely forgot her and did not see her, so even after her aunt’s death she remained in the Protopopovs’ house.”
We can come to the conclusion that during the period of time we are considering, the essence of noble children was inevitable service in the social hierarchy. Patriarchy dictated which unwanted and undeserving emotions of the child should be suppressed. “Not a single emotion - fear, pity, even maternal love - was considered a reliable guide in education.”
Therefore, marriages between nobles were concluded both for love and for convenience. The fact that marriage issues were controlled by parents, guided only by practical benefits, and not by the feelings of their children, remained unchanged. Hence the early marriages of girls with men two or even three times older.
K.D. Ikskul in “The Marriage of My Grandfather” gives the age of the groom as twenty-nine years old, and the bride as twelve.
M.S. Nikoleva writes that her cousin Peter, out of strong love, married their mother’s pupil Sophia, who was only fifteen years old, but he was twice as old.
AND I. Butkovskaya, in her “stories,” describes how her thirteen-year-old sister became the wife of the chief prosecutor, who was forty-five years old.
In noble culture, marriage was considered a natural need and was one of the meaningful structures of life. Celibate life was condemned in society; it was looked upon as inferiority.
Parents, especially mothers, approached their daughter’s upbringing with full responsibility, both in matters of behavior and in matters of marriage.
Countess Varvara Nikolaevna Golovina wrote in her memoirs regarding her daughter Praskovya Nikolaevna:
“My eldest daughter was almost nineteen years old at that time, and she began to go out into the world...
Her tender and sensitive affection for me protected her from the hobbies so characteristic of youth. Outwardly, she was not particularly attractive, was not distinguished by either beauty or grace and could not inspire dangerous feelings, and her strong moral convictions protected her from everything that could harm her.”
Countess M.F. Kamenskaya, remembering her cousin Varenka, wrote:
“I loved Varenka very much, and she and I were very friendly for many years in a row, but I didn’t like my aunt’s shy, distrustful manner of treating her daughter at all. Ekaterina Vasilievna kept Varenka near her as if on a string, did not let her go one step away from her, did not allow her to speak freely with anyone, and for whole days did not stop training her in a high-society manner.”
E.A. Gan described in her work “The Court of Light” the whole essence of a woman in marriage:
“God gave a woman a wonderful destiny, although not as glorious, not as loud as he indicated to a man - the destiny of being a domestic penate, a comforter to a chosen friend, the mother of his children, to live the life of loved ones and to march with a proud brow and a bright soul towards the end of a useful existence »
While women's attitudes toward marriage changed, men's attitudes remained unchanged throughout the 19th century. A man started a family in order to find heirs and a mistress, a warm friend or a good adviser.
The fate of Lieutenant General Pavel Petrovich Lansky is noteworthy. His first marriage was concluded in 1831 with the ex-wife of a colleague, Nadezhda Nikolaevna Maslova. Lansky's mother was categorically against this union and after the wedding broke off relations with her son. And ten years later, having given birth to two children, his dear wife ran away from him, with her lover, to Europe. It is known that the divorce process lasted about twenty years. And having become free, Pavel Petrovich marries for the second time a poor relative of his former wife, the elderly Evdokia Vasilievna Maslova. The motive for the marriage was the noble heart of Lansky, who wanted to brighten up the loneliness of the old maid.
A.S. Pushkin, in a letter to Pletnev, wrote the famous lines after his marriage to Natalya Nikolaevna Goncharova:
“I’m married and happy; My only wish is that nothing in my life changes - I can’t wait for anything better. This state is so new to me that it seems that I have been reborn.”
A. H. Benckendorff described his feelings in connection with his marriage no less eloquently:
“Finally, nothing else stood in the way of my plans to get married, I had time to think them over thoroughly during those eight months while I was separated from my betrothed. I often hesitated, fear of losing the freedom to choose love that I had previously enjoyed, fear of causing unhappiness to a wonderful woman whom I respected as much as I loved, doubt that I possessed the qualities required of a faithful and thoughtful husband - all this frightened me me and fought in my head with the feelings of my heart. Nevertheless, a decision had to be made. My indecision was explained only by the fear of causing harm or compromising the woman, whose seductive image followed me along with the dream of happiness.”
“Too two weeks have passed that I have not written to you, my faithful friend,” wrote I.I. Pushchin to his wife.
“My dear friend,” S.P. Trubetskoy and I.I. Pushchin addressed their wives in letters.
If we do not take into account matters of the heart, then for a man, family is also a very expensive matter, since it required considerable material investments. He had to provide his wife and children with shelter, food, clothing and a proper environment. Such was his duty, in the eyes of society.
Therefore, parents always preferred a wealthy candidate with a good reputation.
M.A. Kretchmer in his memoirs describes a similar incident that happened to his father and mother in his youth:
“...I met my mother’s family, people of a good family, the Massalskys, and very rich ones at that. This family had two sons and three daughters; two of them are married, the third is my mother, a girl of 16 years old, with whom my father fell in love and who answered him in the same way. My father planned to get married, but since he led a most extravagant and, at the same time, not entirely commendable life in Krakow, my mother’s parents flatly refused him.”
Relationships in the family were rarely built on mutual respect; they were mainly based on the subordination of the younger to the elders and the veneration of these elders.
The eldest in the family was the father, followed by the mother; we must not forget about the authority of grandmothers, grandfathers, aunts and uncles, as well as godparents; the youngest were always children. Controlling the destinies of children in the hands of irresponsible fathers turned into nightmarish realities, so colorfully picked up by writers.
And if men had at least some chance to deviate from parental care - to enter the service, to leave their father's house for education, then girls in the first half of the 19th century did not have such a chance. They remained in the care of their parents until the very end and did not dare to resist their will, and sometimes sacrificed their personal lives out of deep devotion to their relatives.
M.S. Nikoleva even describes two cases in the family of her relatives, the Protopopovs:
“The Protopopov brothers were, of course, at war; Of the men, only my father and a sick uncle remained with us, with whom, in addition to his wife, the eldest daughter Alexandra was inseparable. She did not leave her father either day or night, and if she left for a minute, the patient began to cry like a child. This went on for many years, and my poor cousin did not see youth (her uncle died when she was already thirty-five years old).”
“Of the five Protopopov sisters, not one married; although the corresponding suitors were approaching, they chose not to separate and live together as one family, and when Pyotr Sergeevich (their brother - S.S.), being a retired colonel, got married, they devoted themselves to raising his children.”
The family structure of the noble family was built not only on patriarchal foundations, but also on reverence for traditions. So, any self-respecting family attended church, was religious, organized family celebrations and gatherings, and also quite often visited relatives living far away, staying with them for months.
Patriarchy, hierarchy, traditionalism, subordination to elders and authorities, the sanctity of marriage and family ties - this is what formed the basis for intra-family relations of the nobility in the first half of the 19th century. The dominance of duty prevailed over feelings, parental power was not unshakable, like the power of the spouse.
But what happens to the family structure in the second half of the 19th century?
The memoirs of nobleman S.E. Trubetskoy vividly depict this junction at the turn of generational change:
“Father and mother, grandfathers and grandmothers were for us in childhood not only sources and centers of love and untouchable authority; they were surrounded in our eyes by some kind of halo that was not familiar to the new generation. We, children, have always seen that our parents, our grandfathers, not only ourselves, but also many other people, primarily numerous household members, are treated with respect...
Our fathers and grandfathers were, in our children’s eyes, both patriarchs and family monarchs, and mothers and grandmothers were family queens.”
From the second half of the 19th century, a number of innovations penetrated the noble family. The role and authority of women increased, the search for new, profitable sources of livelihood increased, new views on marriage and children developed, humanism penetrated into the sphere of family relations
Natalya Goncharova-Lanskaya (widow of A.S. Pushkin), in a letter to her second husband writes regarding the marital fate of her daughters:
“As for settling them down, marrying them off, we are more prudent in this regard than you think. I rely entirely on the will of God, but would it be a crime on my part to think about their happiness? There is no doubt that you can be happy without being married, but this would mean passing by your calling...
By the way, I prepared them for the idea that marriage is not so easy and that one cannot look at it as a game and connect it with the thought of freedom. She said that marriage is a serious responsibility, and one must be very careful in choosing.”
Noble women began to actively engage in the upbringing and education of their daughters, encouraged them to move away from the traditionally assigned role of a wife, closed in the environment of family relationships, aroused in them an interest in social and political life, fostered in their daughters a sense of personality and independence.
As for parental attitudes in general, society advocated
Partnership, humane relations between parents and children.
The child began to be seen as an individual. Corporal punishment began to be condemned and prohibited.
O.P. Verkhovskaya wrote in her memoirs:
“The children no longer felt the same fear of their father. No rods
There was no trace of any punishment, much less torture. Obviously, the serf reform also had an impact on the upbringing of children.”
Relations between spouses began to acquire an egalitarian character, that is, based not on subordination, but on equality.
However, the old generation, brought up in patriarchal traditions, came into conflict with the new generation - their own children, who adopted advanced European ideas:
“...during this period of time, from the early 60s to the early 70s, all intelligent strata of Russian society were occupied with only one issue: family discord between old and young. No matter what noble family you ask about at that time, you will hear the same thing about each:
Parents quarreled with children. And it was not because of any material, material reasons that quarrels arose, but solely because of questions of a purely theoretical, abstract nature.”
Freedom of choice influenced the foundations of noble society - the number of divorces and unequal marriages increased. During this period, women had the opportunity to marry at their own discretion, which was quite often used by noblewomen as a means of achieving independence within the framework of a fictitious marriage.
Marriage gave girls the opportunity to leave the care of their parents, travel abroad, and lead the life they wanted, without being burdened with marital responsibilities.
Noblewoman E.I. Zhukovskaya, in her memoirs, notes that both she and her sister married for convenience, wanting to escape from the care of their parents, but did not live with their husbands.
According to the intra-family structure, relations between spouses could be classified into three types - along with the still dominant “old noble family”, a “new ideological noble family” based on the ideas of humanism, and a “new practical noble family” practicing egalitarianism appeared.
The crisis of generational contradiction also gave rise to three types of parental attitudes - “old parents”, “new ideological” and “new practical”.
We can conclude that the second half of the 19th century is characterized by a crisis of the patriarchal family. The noble family evolves and is divided into “new” and “old”. With the modernization of life, new ideological trends have shaken traditional foundations, forcing most of society to move away from patriarchal norms in family relationships.
The nobility served society, and the family was a means of serving the fatherland. The personality of one family member was lower than the family in the hierarchy of values. The ideal throughout the 19th century remained self-sacrifice for the sake of the interests of the family, especially in matters of love and marriage.
For many centuries in Rus' there were no detailed rules of etiquette for girls. The basic requirements could be summarized in a few lines: to be pious, modest and hardworking, to honor your parents and take care of yourself. In the famous “Domostroy,” which for several centuries was the main instruction on family and household relations, the main requirements for ensuring the proper behavior of girls were placed on the father and, to a much lesser extent, on the mother.
“Domostroy” demanded from the head of the family: “If you have a daughter, and direct your severity towards her, then you will save her from bodily harm: you will not disgrace your face if your daughter walks in obedience, and it is not your fault if, out of stupidity, she violates her virginity, and it will become known to your friends as a mockery, and then you will be put to shame before people. For if you give your daughter immaculate, it’s as if you’ve accomplished a great deed; you’ll be proud in any society, never suffering because of her.”
Even during the period of reforms carried out in the country by Peter I, there were no fundamental changes in the formation of etiquette requirements for girls. In the manual for young nobles “An Honest Mirror of Youth, or Indications for Everyday Conduct,” prepared and published by order of Peter in 1717, recommendations for the behavior of girls remained at the level of the patriarchal “Domostroy.”
The lack of proper regulation of the behavior of girls in society, by the way, did not correspond to the current situation. Thanks to Peter's innovations, the girls received immeasurably more freedoms than they had just a few years ago. They dressed in fashionable European dresses with a low neckline, learned to dance, and began to actively attend various entertainment events and assemblies. Naturally, they now have significantly more opportunities to communicate with gentlemen.
Perhaps, it was during the Peter the Great period that girls were the most liberated, since new rules for the behavior of girls in society had not yet been invented, they were just beginning to emerge, and fathers of families were obliged to take their daughters out into the world, otherwise they could be seriously harmed - the tsar did not tolerate it when the orders were not carried out, and he was quick to punish. There were no age restrictions at that time; Berchholz, describing the St. Petersburg society of the time of Peter, noted that girls 8-9 years old took part in assemblies and entertainment on an equal basis with adults.
The young gentlemen were undoubtedly pleased with the innovations in the behavior of women and girls. But the older generation greeted them with caution. MM. Shcherbatov, who published the book “On the Corruption of Morals in Russia” in the 18th century, noted: “It was pleasant for the female sex, who had almost until now been slaves in their homes, to enjoy all the pleasures of society, to adorn themselves with robes and headdresses that multiply the beauty of their faces and render them good.” camp ... the wives, who had not previously felt their beauty, began to recognize its power, began to try to multiply it with decent attire, and more than their ancestors they spread luxury in decoration.”
For girls, imitation of European rules of behavior was an exciting game, since significant remnants of patriarchal morals still remained in the home circle. Only by breaking away from the home circle to a social reception or assembly could the girl behave as required by European rules. Although in an exaggerated form, this was very accurately noted in the film “The Tale of How Tsar Peter Married a Blackamoor.”
Since for girls and ladies behavior in society has become a kind of game, it was filled with actual game elements. For communication, “languages” appeared: fans, flies, bouquets, poses, a lot of various small conventions that were not regulated by generally accepted rules, but which everyone knew about and tried to follow. It is worth noting that there was no particular effort to officially regulate the behavior of women and girls in society. These rules developed largely spontaneously in imitation of European etiquette. This happened especially actively during the reign of Russian empresses. It is curious that these rules nevertheless intertwined both European courtliness and Russian patriarchy.
Count L.F. Segur, who spent several years in Russia during the reign of Catherine II, wrote that Russian “women have gone further than men on the path of improvement. In society one could meet many elegant ladies, girls of remarkable beauty, who spoke four and five languages, who knew how to play various instruments and were familiar with the works of the most famous novelists of France, Italy and England.”
Noble families now began to pay considerable attention to preparing their daughters for adult life. Not much was required for this - to learn to speak fluently at least one or two foreign languages, to be able to read, preferably in French or English, to dance and maintain small talk. Mothers practically did not do this, entrusting the care of their daughters to governesses and bonnets. Girls were rarely purposefully prepared for family life, but they were thoroughly prepared for communication with future suitors.
If in the time of Peter a girl could be married off at the age of 13-14, then by the 19th century a girl was considered a bride from the age of 16, and less often from the age of 15. It was at this age that girls began to be officially taken out into the world. Girls had been taken to visit before, but their social circle was limited to games with peers or special children's balls and concerts. But at the age of 16, an event took place that all the girls were looking forward to - their first official trip out into the world to a ball, to the theater or to a reception.
For the first time, a girl was usually taken out into the world by her father, less often by her mother or an older relative. The girl had to look elegant, but modest - a light light dress with a small neckline, no or minimal jewelry (small earrings and a string of pearls), a simple hairstyle. They tried to start going out with a ball or reception, when the girl could be officially introduced to acquaintances and family friends. Naturally, many of those to whom the girl was introduced knew her before, but the ritual had to be observed.
From that moment on, the girl became an official participant in social life, they began to send her invitations to various events, just like her mother. In official cases, a girl was accepted in accordance with her father’s rank, which was enshrined in the “Table of Ranks.” If the father had the rank of I class, the daughter received “rank... above all wives who are in rank V. Girls whose fathers are in rank II are over wives who are in rank VI,” etc.
By the beginning of the 19th century, the order of a girl’s behavior at a ball and communication with gentlemen was clearly regulated. Deviations from the rules were not allowed, otherwise it was possible to compromise not only oneself, but also the family. I have already written about this in detail in an article devoted to noble balls - bride fairs. I will only add that until the age of 24-25, a girl could only go out with her parents or relatives. If for some reason it was not possible to get married, then from this age she could travel on her own. But even before the age of 30, a girl (widows and divorcees had their own rules) could not receive men or go to visit them without the presence of an older relative, even if they were old enough to be her grandfather.
A lot of conventions surrounded the matchmaking and the girl’s behavior in communicating with the groom after the engagement. Actually, the girl’s opinion about the potential groom was not often asked; usually the parents made the decision. But it was considered desirable that the groom be introduced to the potential bride in advance and have the opportunity to communicate with her several times, naturally, under the supervision of one of the older family members.
For the grooms, the situation was not easy. Talking about your feelings to a girl, which was allowed only in a veiled form, when the future mother-in-law or aunt of a potential bride stands over your soul, is not an easy task. Involuntarily, you will become tongue-tied, but you need to conduct an elegant small talk, and even allegorically confess your love.
Even after the engagement, the groom could not remain alone with the bride and accompany her to balls or social events. The bride came to all events with one of her relatives, but there the groom could take her under his wing and be with her inseparably; the engaged status allowed this. But the bride went home only with relatives; if the groom was invited to accompany her, he rode in a separate carriage.
After the engagement, the girl entered into a new life; now many of the conventions of girlish behavior could be forgotten. Her husband began to manage her social relationships. The behavior of married ladies in society had many of its own characteristics, but more on them in the next article.
The book "Domostroy" first appeared in the 15th century. Under Ivan the Terrible, the book was revised and supplemented by the clergyman Archpriest Sylvester. It was written in an orderly style, with frequent use of sayings. The book described ideal family relationships, home life, recipes, social and religious issues, and norms of behavior.
The book “Domostroy” was popular among boyars, Russian merchants, and then nobles who sought to create a certain way of life in their home in order to somehow organize eating, drinking drinks appropriate for a certain moment, what words to say, how and what things to wear. People from these classes were educated and had every opportunity to read these recommendations and then could afford to implement all this point by point. Domostroy also described in detail the rules of going to church, wedding ceremonies, wedding and funeral ceremonies. And not only Russia used this kind of “Domostroi”. In many other European countries, thick volumes containing advice and statements on housekeeping and family life were distributed.
The fashion for "Domostroy" began to gradually fade in the 19th century, personifying something ancient, useless and patriarchal. Writers of that time used images from Domostroy to more colorfully ridicule the petty-bourgeois, ossified way of life of medieval Russia.
In modern life, there are still similar books with descriptions of ancient Russian recipes from the royal kitchen and with recommendations for performing rituals, but very few turn to these overly inflated delights of that distant era, except perhaps to study what they lived, what they did, what rules they followed our ancestors. The ideal of behavior in the family of a metropolitan nobleman in Russia in the first half of the 19th century: traditions and innovations
In the old days, in noble families, as well as in noble society as a whole, the ability to behave, observe tact, and follow etiquette was considered the first indicator of the degree of aristocracy.
In the old days, in noble families, as well as in noble society as a whole, the ability to behave, observe tact, and follow etiquette was considered the first indicator of the degree of aristocracy. The nobles simply flaunted noble manners in front of each other. In French it was called bon ton, and in Russian it was called good manners. Decent manners were usually instilled from childhood. But it often happened that a person, due to a lack of aesthetic education, could master secular etiquette himself, imitating its skilled bearers or consulting the relevant rules.
It is known that the basis of peaceful, respectable cohabitation of people is love, mutual respect and politeness. A disrespectful attitude towards someone close primarily causes moral damage to that person and negatively affects the reputation of the one who unwisely disregards the rules of etiquette. In the book “Good Form”, published in St. Petersburg in 1889, it is written about this: “We must never forget that the laws of society, like Christian ones, from which they draw their origin, their principles, require love, consent, long-suffering, meekness , kindness, humane treatment and respect for the individual." No matter what feelings people have for each other, they in any case must observe external decency.
An important source of rules of behavior in the family and society as a whole in the pre-Petrine period was the so-called. Domostroy is a set of ancient Russian everyday rules based on the Christian worldview. The head of the family according to Domostroy is certainly a man who is responsible for the entire house before God, is a father and teacher for his household. The wife should take care of the housework, and both spouses should raise children in the fear of God, keeping the commandments of Christ.
In the era of Peter the Great, a manual appeared on the rules of conduct for secular youth, “An Honest Mirror of Youth, or Indications for Everyday Conduct, Collected from Various Authors.” This essay shows the norms of etiquette in conversation - with superiors, with a confessor, with parents, with servants - and the style of behavior in various situations. A young man must rely on himself and respect others, honor his parents, be polite, brave, courageous. He should avoid drunkenness, extravagance, slander, rudeness, etc. Particular importance was attached to knowledge of languages: youths should speak to each other in a foreign language, “so that they could learn the skill.” Along with community instructions, this book also gives specific bonton rules of behavior at the table and in public places, and some hygiene standards.
The final part of this book is devoted to the special norms of behavior of girls, which, moreover, are strictly determined by church morality. These instructions are obviously close to traditional ancient Russian teachings. The virginal virtues are as follows: love for the word of God, humility, prayer, confession of faith, respect for parents, diligence, friendliness, mercy, modesty, bodily purity, abstinence and sobriety, frugality, generosity, fidelity and truthfulness. In public, a girl should behave modestly and humbly, avoid laughter, chatter, and coquetry.
In general, the monument reflects both general ethical norms of behavior and specific features of education related to the period of the most active perception of Russian tradition, Russian culture, and the peculiarities of the lifestyle of Western Europe.
In the 19th century, the importance of tradition was still extremely great. The wife must certainly honor her husband and please his family and friends. This is what the book “Life in the World, at Home and at Court,” published in 1890, teaches the average person. However, in contrast to the recommendations of Domostroy, the spouses often lived separately. Aristocratic families that owned large mansions arranged their homes in such a way that the husband and wife had their own separate chambers - the “female” and “male” halves. Each of these halves had its own special routine. True, there were cases when the house was divided into two parts for other reasons. For example, E.A. Sabaneeva in her book “Memories of the Past: From a Family Chronicle 1770–1838” describes the house of her grandfather Prince P.N. Obolensky in Moscow: “Large on two floors, between the street and the house there is a courtyard, behind the house there is a garden with an alley of acacias on both sides. The house was divided by a large dining room into two halves: one half was called Knyazeva, the other - maid of honor. In the same way, the people in the house, that is, footmen, coachmen, cooks and maids, as well as horses and carriages, were called princes and ladies-in-waiting. There was always a parade on Grandma's half; she had the best part of the house at her disposal; she always had visitors. Grandfather had his own small chambers, above which there was a mezzanine for the children.”
Psychologists note that spouses, often without realizing it, when building their intra-family relationships, are largely guided by the family of their parents. At the same time, sometimes the order that exists in the parental family is perceived by a person as a certain ideal, which he strives to follow at all costs. But since in the parental families of the husband and wife these orders could not be at all similar, such thoughtless adherence to them can ultimately lead to serious complications in the relationship between the spouses.
Prince V.P. Meshchersky considered the behavior of his parents - both in the family and in society - to be standard. Father “was, without exaggeration, I will say, the ideal of a Christian man, namely a man,” the prince writes in his memoirs, “because he lived a full life of light, but at the same time shone, so to speak, with the beauty of Christianity: his soul loved his neighbor too much and good in order to ever think evil, and at the same time, always cheerful, always content, he lived the life of everyone around him; I read everything I could, took an interest in everything and, like my mother, never touched even in passing lies, arrogance, vulgarity, or gossip.”
V.N. Tatishchev in his will - a kind of Domostroy of the 18th century - says that “family legislation still has an extremely patriarchal character. The basis of the family is the unlimited power of the parent, which extends to children of both sexes and of all ages and ends only by natural death or deprivation of all rights of the estate.”
Until at least half of the 19th century, respectful attitude towards parents was a phenomenon, as they would now say, without alternative. However, some “freethinking”, which arose, in particular, under the influence of sentimental and romantic works, appeared. So the main character of the novel D.N. Begicheva’s “Olga: the life of Russian nobles at the beginning of the century” (1840) fiercely resisted her father’s desire to marry her to unloved person, although she did not dare to contradict him openly.
The Khomyakov family has a legend that when both sons - Fyodor and Alexey - “came of age,” Marya Alekseevna called them to her and solemnly explained her idea of \u200b\u200bthe relationship between a man and a woman. “In today's terms,” she said, “men seem to enjoy freedom. And in a Christian way, a man must maintain his purity just as strictly as a woman. Chastity is the lot of people before marriage. Therefore, I want you to swear to me that you will not enter into a relationship with any woman until you marry, choosing your only one. Swear it." The sons swore.
V.F. Odoevsky in “Excerpts from Masha’s Journal” shows a certain ideal of the relationship between parents and children. On the day Masha turns ten, she is given a journal, where the girl writes down everything that happens to her during the day. Mom gradually accustoms her to housekeeping, dad teaches her geography lessons. Masha treats her parents with great respect, respect, which is reinforced, in addition to general education in the spirit of the Law of God, by positive examples from the lives of some familiar parents. Parents themselves never raise their voices at their children. And if Masha deserves punishment, they, for example, oblige Masha not to leave the room. According to the author, his fairy tale should teach children and their parents to follow this example.
Emperor Nicholas I wrote in 1838 to his son Nicholas: “Love and honor your parents and elder brother and always resort to their advice and with full confidence, and then our blessing will always be over your dear head.”
The first principle in raising a noble child was that he was oriented not towards success, but towards an ideal. He should have been brave, honest, educated, not in order to achieve anything - fame, wealth, high rank - but because he was a nobleman, because he had been given a lot, because that’s what he should be.
Siblings were expected to be respectful of each other, and the eldest son had some authority over the younger children. Boys under 15 and girls under 21 walked ahead of their parents, who “vomited” them. The girl was completely dependent on the will of her parents, while the young man was not subject to their control and was free in his acquaintances. V.F. Odoevsky wrote: “This is our custom: a girl will die of boredom and will not give her hand to a man if he does not have the happiness of being her brother, uncle, or the even more enviable happiness of being eighty years old, because “what will mothers say?”
At the beginning of the 19th century, traditions and customs adopted in the previous century and characterized by a certain patriarchy began to be supplanted by new, more liberal rules. This also applied to the period of mourning. “Now all decency is poorly observed, but in my time they strictly followed everything and according to the proverb: “love to count kinship and give honor to it” - they were considered as if kinship and, when one of the relatives died, they wore mourning for him, depending on proximity or distance , how much was due. And before me it was even stricter. Widows wore mourning for three years: the first year only black wool and crepe, in the second year black silk and black lace could be worn, and in the third year, on ceremonial occasions, it was possible to wear silver mesh on the dress, not gold. This was worn at the end of three years, and the black dress of the widow was not removed, especially by the elderly. And the young woman would not have been praised if she had rushed to take off her mourning. They wore mourning for their father and mother for two years: the first - wool and crepe; on major holidays you could wear something woolen, but not too light. ...When weddings took place in a family where there was deep mourning, the black dress was temporarily removed and a purple one was worn, which was considered mourning for the brides,” wrote D.D. Blagovo in "Granny's Stories". But over time, this standard of behavior begins to disappear.
The behavior of the nobles in Moscow and St. Petersburg was different. As the same D.D. writes. Blagovo, with reference to the memories of his dear grandmother, “those who are more important and richer are all in St. Petersburg, and those who live out their lives in Moscow, or are outdated, or impoverished, sit quietly and live poorly, not in a lordly manner, as it used to be.” , but in a bourgeois way, about themselves. ...There may be good names, but there are no people: they don’t live by name.”
E.A. Sushkova, having first attended a ball in Moscow, finds many differences in the behavior of Moscow and St. Petersburg young ladies. The latter “are more than talkative with young people,” she says in her “Notes,” “they are familiar, they are their friends.” They address each other as “you”, call each other by last name, first name or nickname, and not in French, as was customary in the ancient capital. Life in Moscow was simpler. Yu.N. Tynyanov says that Nadezhda Osipovna Pushkina, for example, could sit unkempt in her bedroom all day long. And Yu.M. Lotman wrote that “military events brought Moscow and the Russian provinces closer together. The Moscow population “spread out” over vast areas. At the end of the war, after the French left Moscow, this gave rise to a reverse movement. ...The rapprochement between the city and the province, so noticeable in Moscow, had almost no effect on the life of St. Petersburg in those years. Moreover, the occupation of Moscow by the enemy cut off many of the threads connecting St. Petersburg with the country.”
Unlike capitals, as V.A. writes. Sollogub in his “Memoirs”, “biblical calm reigned in the life of the old-world landowner of that time (1820s - A.K.). The old man, his children, his servants, his few peasants formed exactly one continuous family with varying degrees of rights.” However, one should also distinguish between villages and cities in the provinces: the distances between neighbors living in their villages were generally enormous and therefore they saw each other much less often than in cities. Thus, the heroine of the novel “Alexandrina” by Fan Dim (E.V. Kologrivova) complained that Christmas time was the only opportunity for girls who saw each other extremely rarely to “go wild”, and they had fun during the entire period of separation, while in the capitals the number of boring visits increased several times.
It is obvious that family relationships are ideally based on mutual respect, piety, obedience of women, children and servants to the head of the family, and observance of the rules of decency. Society existed according to a traditional way of life at its core, which was combined with norms of behavior brought from Europe, which were increasingly taking root among the nobility. Therefore, the ideal of behavior changes over the course of half a century from a more traditional one, carefully preserved by the people of the 18th century, to a more “enlightened” one, which was facilitated by the abundance of foreign tutors, constant conversation in a foreign language, mainly French, and admiration for the West in general.
Marchenko N. Signs of dear old times. Morals and life of the Pushkin era. - M.: Isographus; Eksmo, 2002. - P.92.
Aleshina Yu.E., Gozman L.Ya.. Dubovskaya E.M. Social and psychological methods for studying marital relationships: Special workshop on social psychology. - M.: Publishing house Mosk. University.. 1987. - P.35.
Koshelev V. Alexey Stepanovich Khomyakov, biography in documents, reasoning and research. - M., 2000. - P. 163.
Odoevsky V.F. Motley tales. Tales of Grandfather Irenaeus / Comp., prepared. text, intro. Art. and comment. V. Grekova. - M.: Artist. lit.. 1993. - P.190-223.
Nicholas I. Husband Father. Emperor / Comp., pred. N.I. Azarova; comment N.I. Azarova, L.V. Gladkova; lane from fr. L.V. Gladkova. - M.: SLOVO / SLOVO, 2000. - P.330.
Internet source:
http://www.pravoslavie.ru/arhiv/051006163916
Tregubova M.S.
Introduction
Everyday life is a sphere of non-productive social life, including both the satisfaction of people’s material needs for food, clothing, housing, maintaining health, and the development by a person of spiritual benefits, culture, human communication, recreation, and entertainment. In the broadest sense, everyday life is the way of everyday life.
And the life of the 19th century had its own unique features in people’s behavior, their appearance, upbringing, pastime, etc. Of particular interest is the life of the nobility throughout the 19th century, since it differed from the life of other classes and had elements not characteristic of other classes. The daily life of the Russian nobility allows us to reveal the specifics of Russian culture of the 19th century and see the distinctive features of noble life.
Turning to the history of noble life, one can see the spiritual, intellectual and moral development of the people of that century. Ideas about noble honor and etiquette are associated with the ideas of that time, and are inseparable from history. The priorities of the nobility are still of interest today and can serve as an example for modern society.
It is through everyday life that one can better understand the specifics of the 19th century, as well as the peculiarities of the worldview and behavior of the people of that era.
During the 19th century, the nobility was the most literate, educated and cultural class in Russia. However, despite the privileged position of their position in the 19th century, the nobility was not homogeneous either in origin, or in property status, or in cultural needs.
The purpose of this work is to trace the changes that occurred in the life of the nobility, and specifically in appearance, in upbringing and education, as well as changes in such a phenomenon as a duel.
Since the topic of noble life is very voluminous, it should be said that noble life is presented only in its most striking and interesting aspects. In my opinion, the interest is in appearance, upbringing and education, and such a feature as a duel.
To consider the life of the nobility in the 19th century, it is reasonable to describe what representatives of this class looked like. Of interest is the internal qualities and thinking of people of the 19th century, which can be revealed through upbringing and education. And the inclusion of a chapter called a duel reflects the spirit of the time and shows how the nobility sometimes resolved disagreements among themselves.
Chapter 1. Appearance
Clothing has many properties of language, communicating a wide variety of information about the person who wears it. Noble fashion in Russia in the 19th century was predominantly European. This is evidenced by the name of the costume details, as well as the fashion styles that were popular and the type of costume itself.
1.1. Men's suit
Outerwear: consisted of an almaviva, a wide cloak covering almost the entire torso. Almaviva was worn in a special way, wrapped around itself or thrown one half over the shoulder. They also wore a talma, a man's cloak. The coat had a through-button fastening at the front. The overcoat was especially popular in the men's wardrobe. It was not only the uniform of military and civilian officials, but also, in general, men's clothing. They also wore a redingote, which was a long coat, fitted with a high fastener.
A tailcoat was a common element of men's costume throughout the 19th century. A black tailcoat was a weekend suit for visits, going to the theater or club. But in the middle of the 19th century, the tailcoat gradually began to be replaced by the frock coat, clothing without a front opening and long tails at the back.
A frock coat (from the French on top of everything), its length and place of the waist were determined by fashion. At the beginning of the 19th century, when a tailcoat was considered only official clothing, you could only go to a party in a frock coat. By the end of the 19th century, the jacket replaced the frock coat. By the beginning of the century, the vest was firmly established in the men's wardrobe. The waistcoat was popular as an item of clothing throughout the 19th century.
At the beginning of the 19th century, men's suits included pantaloons, an analogue of trousers. However, by the end of the 10s. In the 19th century, trousers over boots came into fashion. And in the middle of the century, trousers with black and gray stripes came into fashion. Along with trousers in the 30s. In the 19th century, trousers came into fashion. Trousers became one of the main elements of men's suits throughout the 19th century. There were collars in the suit, or, as they were sometimes called ruffles or frills, long frilly trims around the collar. Wearing a tie, translated from German as a neckerchief, was especially popular, but then it turned into an item of decoration. From headdresses it is known that they wore bolivars, a cylinder hat with large brims. However, the listed elements of men's clothing were not intended for home wear. Among the home clothes, the nobles wore arkhaluk, clothing of oriental origin, something like a half-robe, sewn at the waist, made of colored or striped fabric.
There were no significant changes in the men's suit. They still wore a frock coat in combination with checkered or striped trousers, or a plain color. Sometimes a jacket was worn instead of a frock coat. The suit consisted of a combination of shirt, vest, trousers and jacket. A men's suit was complemented by a tie or hat. Mostly men preferred a plain suit; it was casual wear, for going out somewhere or for professional activities.
In 1851-1870 a men's suit consisted of a frock coat matching striped or checkered trousers, a shirt and a jacket. In 1870-1880 In the men's suit, only the length of the clothing parts and the color scheme have changed.
Thus, throughout the 19th century, men's costume, unlike women's, underwent minor changes.
1.2. Woman suit
For outerwear they wore a hood, wide open clothes with sleeves, without an interception at the waist. Burnus, a spacious cloak with a hood, trimmed with braid. However, rapidly changing fashion declared first one or another type of outerwear to be the most attractive.
The main element of women's costume at the beginning of the century was a tunic-like dress made of cambric, gauze, and crepe. Such dresses were quite narrow and floor-length. The spread of ancient fashion in Russia was facilitated by the French artist E. Vigée Lebrun, who worked in Russia from 1785 to 1801. Tunics were made from light, often white fabrics - muslin, cambric and muslin. Tunics were worn over translucent high-waisted dresses with a belt under the bust, under which only white or flesh-colored leotards were worn. An addition to this dress was a shawl made of light fabrics. Hairstyles and jewelry corresponded to the ancient style: carved stones instead of diamonds, short hair or Greek buns. Shoes were flat shoes with ribbons or straps.
From the 1820s-30s. In the 19th century, women's dress changed its style; the dress appeared with a low waist and an extended skirt. The costume was complemented by puffed sleeves, long gloves and a detachable train. And there was also a short corset and frills on the dress. An important innovation of the 1830s. In women's clothing, the dress began to consist of two separate parts - a skirt and a bodice. By the middle of the 19th century, dresses with crinoline, designs made of willow twigs, whalebone or metal, used to give a full shape to women's skirts, came into fashion. Dresses were finished with a milling cutter and a collar made of tightly starched lace or fabric. The splendor of the dresses was given by a peplum or basquina, a wide skirt with a frill at the bottom of the fold. The dresses were complemented by a turlulle, a long sleeveless women's cape made of silk or rustling fabric. The necklines of low-necked dresses were framed with a bertha, an applied ribbon or a frill made of decorative fabric or lace. Most often it was used to decorate ball gowns.
A house dress - a dullette - was worn not only at home, but also for a walk. It looked quite simple in cut.
Changes have also occurred in ladies' hairstyles. Particularly popular is the Sevigne hairstyle, named after the famous French writer Marquise Sevigne. The hairstyle included long curls on both sides of the face, a pearl necklace tightly covering the neck and an oval brooch in a precious frame. For official appearances, ladies were given the most unusual and varied hairstyles.
From jewelry it is known that they wore a parure, a set of jewelry selected both by material, color and ornamental design. Feronniere - a hoop or chain with a precious stone or pearl in the middle, which was worn on the forehead. The accessory used was a fan, which was an elegant thing made of expensive materials.
Of the headdresses, noblewomen preferred to wear a tok, a small cap made of velvet, as well as a bashlyk - a headdress in the form of a removable hood with two long ends, which, as a beret, are a women's headdress without a brim.
Fashion in the second half of the 19th century in Russia was focused on Europe. What was fashionable and modern was acceptable for the Russian nobility. Women's costume in the second half of the 19th century was significantly simplified. And by the end of the century, the lower part of the dress, the skirt, became straight. However, the upper part of the costume (in the form of a corset) became more complicated, and exquisite decorations were added in the form of ribbons, stones, embroidery, and frills. The silhouette of a woman's dress has changed, a two-tiered or single-tiered crinoline skirt has changed. The top of the dress had a small bodice with no neckline and a natural shoulder line with narrow sleeves. But neckline and bare arms were allowed only in evening dresses.
Dresses with crinoline were common until the 70s. XIX century. The shape of the crinoline changed constantly during the second half of the 19th century. A movable metal frame made it possible to change shape. By 1860, the crinoline had an oval shape, but was flattened on the sides. Since the 70s Dresses with a train (or train) are coming into fashion. It was removable and could be attached to other outfits. Afterwards, dresses with bustles came into fashion to replace the train. Tournure, a special device in the form of a cotton pad or structure made of rigid fabric. It formed a special silhouette of a woman's costume. However, some women have been wearing straight skirts without bustles since the 80s. XIX century.
In the 1870-1880s. A new type of dress is coming into fashion, with a profile silhouette that fits tightly to the figure. The dress decreased in volume, the long bodice turned into a corset and began to reach the middle of the thighs. The skirt had a narrow shape, widened at the bottom, with a draped train.
In the 1890-1913s. Art Nouveau style appeared in fashion. Because of this, the women's costume changed dramatically; the dress consisted of a narrow bodice with a stand-up collar and a triangular insert to the waist, a flared skirt with oval-shaped sleeves.
The evening dress took on the appearance without long sleeves, but with a sophisticated skirt shape. The upper part of the suit had wide sleeves from shoulder to elbow. And already at the beginning of the 20th century, from images in photographs and portraits, it can be seen that the women’s dress has been simplified, the skirt has a straight shape, there is no corset, as well as decorations in the upper part of the dress.
Women's hairstyles also changed. Since the mid-19th century, a characteristic feature of women's hairstyles has been pulled back hair. The hairstyle thereby became more diverse, the hair was decorated and styled differently. Since the 1880s the hairstyle changed, the hair began to be collected high on the head in the form of a bun. Which gave the hairstyle rigor and simplicity.
The costume indicated a person’s place on the social ladder and determined his behavior in society. The details of clothing changed, the costume began to be simplified, this was due both to fashion trends and to the fact that the nobility as a class gradually began to fade away.
Chapter 2. Upbringing and education
2.1. Upbringing and education in the first half of the 19th century
The education of noble children in the first half of the 19th century was first home schooling, often the main one, especially for women, and then in gymnasiums, boarding schools and universities.
Home education was carried out in such a way that in the first years of life the child was in the care of a nanny. So, for example, V.A Shchepkina wrote: “With my mother constantly ill and while we did not have a teacher, we were left to nannies.” After the nanny, teachers were invited to the children, who were supposed to give the child basic and necessary knowledge. A. V. Shchepkina recalled about her education with a visiting teacher: “Soon after her arrival, our teacher, Mlle Bryulova, began her studies with her older brothers and gave them foreign language lessons until they were sent to a boarding school in Moscow”105. Then, from the age of 7-8, tutors and governesses were involved in raising the child, mostly foreigners. Sometimes these were people who were not sufficiently educated. However, tutors played a direct role in teaching children good manners. The family also played an important role in the home education of children. Meetings with relatives and conversations with them, and learning manners were important for the growing nobleman. So according to the memoirs of E.A. Sushkova knows that in her education in the first stages of her life, family played a special role - “I spent whole days with my grandmother; she taught me to read and write, told me a sacred story. First she taught me what the keys were called, then she somehow explained the notes.” Using the example of the biography of E.A. Sushkova can trace how the girls were raised and how their lives were arranged in the future. E.A. Sushkova was raised in her aunt's house until her marriage, then she began to go out into the world, where she had success and fans. Then she married A.V. Khvostov, who served as director of the diplomatic chancellery.
Women's education in the first half of the 19th century was virtually absent. The main purpose of educating girls was to prepare them for secular life. Knowledge of several languages, the ability to play a musical instrument, reading and writing were considered obligatory for a well-bred girl. In general, the education of a young noblewoman was, as a rule, more superficial and much more often than for young men, home-based. And the process of home education of young nobles was quite arbitrary. Semenov-Tyan-Shansky P.P. described his education as follows: “My mother taught the older children, she taught them grammar, French and German languages, history and geography. Mother almost always spoke to us in French, sometimes she forced us to speak these languages among ourselves.”
Home schooling was followed by studying at a gymnasium or boarding school. Boys, unlike girls, could study at universities or military institutions. An alternative to home education, expensive and unsatisfactory, for boys of the nobility were private boarding schools and public schools. For example, V.A. Shchepkina described in her memoirs where her brothers and sisters were educated: “The older brothers went to a boarding school in Moscow, and the older sisters went to a boarding school in Voronezh.” Gymnasiums were intended to prepare noble children for government service or for entering university.
Over time, military service began to seem the most prestigious and natural for a nobleman. If it was absent from the biography of a person, it was necessary to explain how this absence was caused - illness, physical disabilities or lack of funds to serve in the guard. Semenov-Tyan-Shansky P.P. wrote about his training: “I passed the entrance exam to the school of guards ensigns and cavalry cadets. I was taught chemistry, military sciences, mathematics, literature, zoology, and geography. The school's pupils were exclusively children of old noble families, mostly rich, from the landed nobility of all Russian provinces. People entered school no earlier than 14 years old.” After that, he became a volunteer student at St. Petersburg University at the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics in the Department of Natural Sciences, but abandoned his military career while still studying at the school of guards ensigns. He later rose to the rank of actual privy councilor and became famous as a geographer and botanist.
The worldview of a nobleman in the first half of the 19th century was determined, on the one hand, by the privilege of his class, and on the other, by his service. The main reason for the small number of Russian universities created at the beginning of the 19th century was that the nobles avoided higher educational institutions of a mixed type, trying to enroll their children in closed privileged schools. So, for example, K.S. Aksakov wrote about his studies: “I became a student for 15 years straight from my parents’ house. In my time, a complete university course consisted of only three years or three courses. I entered the verbal department of Moscow University. In addition to exams, we had rehearsals, and the professors based their opinions about the students on them. When I entered the university, uniforms began to be introduced. There were uniforms and vice-uniforms (frock coats).” After graduating from Moscow University, Aksakov defended his master's thesis and became a literary and public figure.
P.P. Semyonov-Tyan-Shansky spoke about the completion of his studies at the university as follows: “Having completed the course of science at the university, I decided not to follow the usual path of not entering public service, but to devote myself entirely to scientific pursuits, to seek social activities related to science.”
As a result, the education of young nobles, both girls and boys, was at first at home. Depending on the financial capabilities of the family, girls were sent to study at the Institute of Noble Maidens or boarding schools. But very often the education received was superficial. Boys were mainly enrolled in military schools and gymnasiums, since the nobleman was obliged to perform “sovereign service,” mostly in the army or navy.
2.2. Upbringing and education in the second half of the 19th century
In the second half of the 19th century, there were no major changes in the upbringing and education of nobles. In the first years of life, upbringing still fell on the shoulders of nannies and tutors. From the memoirs of F.F. Yusupova: “The first was a German nanny. She raised my brother, then moved on to me. I was entrusted to my mother’s old governess, Mademoiselle Versilova.” So I.A. Bunin recalled about his teacher: “And my teacher was a man - the son of the leader of the nobility, who studied at the Lazarev Institute of Oriental Languages. And he was quite well-read, speaking three languages.” With the help of teachers and educators, the young nobles could speak several languages fluently and had excellent manners.
Studying at the gymnasium gave students a secondary education and prepared them for entry into higher educational institutions: classical gymnasiums - to the university, real ones - to technical institutes. So F.F. Yusupov spoke about his stay at the gymnasium: “In desperation, my parents wanted to send me to the Gurevich gymnasium, known for the severity of discipline.” He was a member of one of the wealthiest noble families of the time, and he went to study abroad at Oxford University. Not every noble family could afford this at that time. After returning from abroad, Yusupov enrolled in officer courses at the Corps of Pages, but did not want to go into the active army. Then came emigration due to the revolution. Prince Felix lived in Paris until his death, where he opened a fashion house.
But education was not always complete; each contemporary had his own living conditions and preferences. I.A. Bunin, for example, after graduating from the Yeletsk district gymnasium, continued his education under the guidance of his older brother.
“It was then that brother Julius, who had already graduated from the university, was sent to us for three whole years and he went through the entire gymnasium course with me, studied languages with me, read me the rudiments of psychology, philosophy, social and natural sciences.”
Education was an important part of a person's life, along with talent. What does the biography of I.A. testify to? Bunin, he's in early age He began writing poetry, then his works were published, and then he began working as a proofreader in a local newspaper. Further working in the literary field, real success came to Bunin; he was elected an honorary academician of the St. Petersburg Academy of Sciences and became the first Russian writer to receive the Nobel Prize in Literature.
In the second half of the 19th century, the importance of higher education increased even more. The teaching combined the lecture method with practical exercises. However, for most young men, studying at university was not enjoyable. CM. Volkonsky, for example, rated his studies at the gymnasium higher than at the university. “I owe more to the gymnasium than to the university, both in terms of the knowledge acquired, and even in the sense of methods of thinking. Many received higher education, but after that they engaged in the type of activity that was interesting to them. So S.M. Volkonsky, having graduated from the Faculty of History and Philology of St. Petersburg University, decided to engage in theatrical activities. Afterwards he held positions such as district marshal of the nobility and director of the Imperial Theaters. Sergei Mikhailovich completely devoted his life to work in the field of culture.
The importance of female education increased sharply in the second half of the century. This is due to the fact that the idea of gender equality comes, the application of common principles of education for boys and girls. In the second half of the 19th century, higher women's courses were introduced for women, the first impetus for the development of higher women's education. Higher courses for women were opened - pedagogical, medical, theater, telegraph, stenography, music. These courses provided general educational training and professional skills. Girls mostly studied in women's institutes, gymnasiums, private boarding schools, and religious schools. So, using the example of the life of M.K. Tenisheva can imagine how the training took place - “After some time, I was sent to Speshneva, who came to a private gymnasium. At first, I studied unevenly, poorly: there was no attention.”
Not all women of that time graduated from higher education institutions, but this did not stop them from self-education. Some continued their studies abroad. Tenisheva, for example, realized herself in educational activities. Already in adulthood, she continued her studies abroad. In Paris, she studied singing with the famous Marchesi and studied at the Julian Academy, where she seriously studied painting and collecting. Later she organized a studio to prepare young people for higher art education in St. Petersburg. She was also a full member of the Society of Fine Arts in Paris.
Increasingly, women in the second half of the 19th century were left outside the family and were forced to work. The image of a business man became attractive to women as well. They showed their aspirations in science, education, medicine and art. However, traditionally, many girls were educated at home, and this continued until 1917.
The most privileged closed women's educational institutions in Russia in the second half of the 19th century were still the Institute of Noble Maidens. Using the example of E.N. Vodovozova’s biography, one can trace how her studies at the Smolny Institute took place. Life at the institute according to the impressions of E.N. Vodovozova: “I was deprived of impressions and pleasures, every hour and every minute was distributed according to the call.” The pupils were taught the humanities, and there were also special lessons in cooking, handicrafts, dancing and intensive language learning. Also E.N. Vodovozova reports that: “We had very little time left for teaching lessons, moral education was in the foreground, and education took last place”130. According to E.N. Vodovozova, strict discipline and isolation led to the erasure of the girls’ individuality. The pupils did not receive solid knowledge, but only had good manners. After graduating from the institute E.N. Vodovozova took up literary activity, collaborated with pedagogical publications, published children's collections and memoirs.
Charskaya L.A. tells similar information about training at the Institute of Noble Maidens. She herself was a student of the Pavlovsk Institute. From the memoirs of L.A. Charskoy: “The final exams were approaching, the most important and strictest of all. The mark received in these exams was translated into certificates and could ruin the entire career of a girl who devoted herself to teaching.” L.A. itself Charskaya, having graduated with honors from the institute, entered the Drama courses at the Imperial Theater School in St. Petersburg, then entered the St. Petersburg Alexandrinsky Imperial Theater, and subsequently she took up writing. A number of her works were dedicated to the students of the institute and brought her extraordinary success.
Despite the fact that sometimes education was incomplete or incomplete, this did not prevent the nobility from perfectly arranging their lives and achieving heights in their careers. Of course, this was largely due to the high social position of the nobility. But in the second half of the century, education began to be valued more highly, and it was not the high position of the nobility that came to the fore, but such qualities as talent, skills acquired through training, and determination.
Chapter 3. Duel
Conflicts of a personal nature occurring in society from early times had the peculiarity of resolving them in a fair fight. Thus, a duel arose - from fr. "duel". As a rule, duels took place within certain social strata, such as the aristocracy and nobility. A duel (combat) is a pair fight that takes place according to certain rules, with the goal of restoring honor and removing the shame caused by the insult from the offended person. The establishment of honor as the main legislator of behavior was an integral part of noble life. The duel in Russia was adopted from Europe, and the first duels began to occur in Russia back in the 17th century. In Russia, duels arose among foreigners who entered Russian service. The duel was primarily a military affair. In the 19th century, duels were a very common occurrence among the noble class. The nobleman could not allow his honor to be tarnished. In this regard, the concept of protecting honor and dignity in a fair fight arises/
There were several types of duels:
1) legal duel - could only take place with pistols or swords and the entire course of the duel must be recorded in the protocol.
2) exceptional duel - was carried out if the general rules of duels are not accepted.
3) a duel with secret motives - if the parties refuse to explain to the seconds the reason for the duel.
However, there were restrictions for participants in a duel, for example, according to the dueling code, a duel was impossible between people of unequal origin and between relatives.
Reasons for the duel: the reason for the duel could be an insult that affected such aspects of the personality as appearance, manners and habits. Other reasons were: official clashes, insults to military honor, insults against family and clan. Duels over women were common, for example, the duel between A.S. Pushkin and J. Dantes, occurred due to an insult inflicted on the wife of A.S. Pushkina N.N. Goncharova. However, often the reason was completely unthinkable reasons. For example, Pushkin’s bad behavior during dances in the officers’ meeting, who, contrary to the demands of the officers, ordered a dance of his own choice.
For each duel, two protocols were necessary for its legality: a protocol of the meeting (in which all the conditions of the duel are recorded) and a protocol of the duel (in which the entire course of the duel is recorded). They were made up by the seconds of each side.
Choice of weapons: A prerequisite for a duel was the choice of the same weapon. The seconds were obliged to carefully check the combat qualities of the weapon before the start of the duel, and the brand of the pistol should not have been known to the opponents in advance. The duel could not take place if one of the parties apologizes only in the presence of all seconds.
3.1. Duel in the first half of the 19th century
Duels in the first half of the 19th century were mainly fought with pistols. There were six types of pistol duels:
1) on the spot on command - opponents stood at a distance of 15-30 steps from each other, on the command “one” they shoot with an interval of one second.
2) on the spot at will - the opponents stood at a distance of 15-30 steps, and on the command “shoot” they fired a shot. A wounded enemy had the right to shoot within 30 seconds from the moment the wound was inflicted.
3) on the spot with successive shots - the opponents stood at a distance of 15-30 steps, and one of the opponents shot first by lot or by command.
4) with approach - the opponents stand at a distance of 35-45 steps, a line was drawn between them, indicating a barrier of 15-25 steps, both opponents shot after the command to “get closer”, but they did not shoot while moving, the opponents stopped before firing.
5) with approaching and stopping - the opponents stood at a distance of 35-45 steps, a barrier was also installed between them, both opponents fired after the command to “get closer”, the second shot followed after 30 seconds. And both shot on the move or could stop at will.
6) with approach and parallel lines - 2 parallel lines were drawn at a distance of 15 steps from one another, and the opponents stood at the ends of the line, they no longer had the right to shoot on the move, the opponents shot and moved closer, the time between shots was 30 seconds. The seconds gave the commands to shoot.
Each of the six types of pistol duels always consisted of the opponents exchanging two shots. Also, with mutual consent, opponents had the right to agree to repeat only the same type of duel two or three times, or to repeat it until one of the opponents was inflicted a mortal wound.
A misfire was considered a shot in cases where the countdown began from the moment the command was given, then in this case the enemy whose pistol misfired was considered to have fired the shot. The enemy who fired first into the air was considered to have evaded the duel. The other enemy firing second had the right to respond to the enemy's first shot fired into the air with a valid shot.
Conducting a duel: At a predetermined time (usually in the morning), opponents, seconds and a doctor arrived at the appointed place. Lateness was allowed no more than 15 minutes; otherwise, the latecomer was considered to have evaded the duel. The fight usually began 10 minutes after everyone arrived. Opponents and seconds greeted each other with a bow. The manager, chosen by the seconds from among himself, offered the duelists last time make peace. Before the duel, the opponents took off small things (medallions, keys, belts). The right to choose distances also belonged to the seconds. The right to determine the time interval for shots was also established by the seconds. The time of shots was counted from the moment the signal was given to it or from the moment of the first shot. Pistols were mainly single-barreled and muzzle-loading. The pistols were loaded by the seconds by lot or one after another only before the duel. The opponents dispersed and then fired. After each shot, the doctor examined the opponents. After the fight, the seconds drew up a protocol of the fight.
Another important person in the fight, in addition to the participants, were the seconds, who were the judges of the opponents. The seconds had to be of the same class as the duelists. They had to know the reason for the upcoming duel. The second of the offended person was the first to appear to the enemy for negotiations. Or they were sent a written challenge, and if there was no response within 24 hours, then silence was regarded as a refusal to duel. It was the seconds who determined the place and time of the duel, as well as the type of weapon.
Examples of a duel: a striking example is the duel between A.S. Pushkin and J. Dantes. The description of the duel is known from the memoirs of K.K. Danzas, Pushkin’s second: “The conditions of the duel were written down on paper. Arriving at the Black River, Danzas agreed with d'Arshiak, Dantes's second, and set off to look for a convenient place for a duel. Having chosen a place, we called the opponents. We placed the opponents, gave them pistols, and at the signal, they began to converge. Pushkin was the first to approach the barrier, stopped and began to point the pistol. But at this time Dantes, not having reached the barrier one step, fired, and Pushkin fell wounded. Dantes was waiting at the barrier, covering his chest with his right hand, Pushkin fell, but Dantes fell. he stood sideways, and the bullet, only slightly touching his chest, hit his arm. Pushkin was wounded in the right side of his stomach, the bullet went deep into his stomach.” the duel can be described as a duel with approach and stop.
Another example from life is the duel that took place between Yu.M. Lermontov and N.S. Martynov. The reason for it was a joke made at one evening by Lermontov to Martynov. The description of this fight is set out in the memoirs of Lermontov’s second A.I. Vasilchikova: “The seconds chose a place, measured thirty steps, set up a barrier of ten steps, separated the opponents at a distance, and told them to converge ten steps on the command “march.” They loaded the pistols, handed them to everyone, and ordered “Get together!” Lermontov remained motionless, raising the pistol with the muzzle up. Martynov quickly walked up to the barrier and fired. Lermontov fell. The bullet pierced his lungs and heart. This duel should be classified as a duel with approach. From Lermontov’s biography it is known that he participated in two fights, and the last one turned out to be fatal for him.”
Duels were reflected in the literature of that time. This was largely due to the fact that fights were then a common occurrence among the nobility. So, for example, in the novel “Eugene Onegin” the cause of the duel was a woman. The duel in this novel can be classified as a duel on the spot with successive shots - “Now the pistols flash, the hammer rattles on the ramrod, bullets go into the faceted barrel, and the trigger clicks for the first time. Cloaks are thrown by two enemies. Zaretsky measured thirty-two steps with excellent accuracy, separated his friends from each other, and each took his own pistol. Now converge, four steps have been taken, five more steps have been taken, Lensky began to aim, but Onegin just fired.”
And in the work “A Hero of Our Time,” the reason for the duel was the personal enmity of the heroes. The duel between the heroes Pechorin and Grushnitsky can be classified as a duel on the spot with successive shots - “Stand up, gentlemen!.. Doctor, please measure six steps.
Cast lots, doctor! - said the captain. The doctor took a silver coin from his pocket and held it up. “You’re happy,” I said to Grushnitsky, “you should shoot first!” Meanwhile, the captain loaded his pistols, handed one to Grushnitsky and the other to me. Grushnitsky stood against me and, at this sign, began to raise his pistol. The shot rang out. The bullet grazed my knee. Shoot! he answered. I shot."
In creating cases of duels in these literary works, the personal experience of A.S. largely served. Pushkin and M.Yu. Lermontov.
But duels in Russia were prohibited by the authorities, but this prohibition was not reflected legally in special decrees. It all came down to condemnation of the fights and despite this they were carried out. Each duel subsequently became the subject of legal proceedings. Both opponents and seconds bore criminal liability1. Participation in a duel, even as a second, entailed inevitable unpleasant consequences. However, the interests of friendship and honor required accepting the invitation to participate in a duel as a flattering sign of trust. For a nobleman who did not serve, the punishment could be church repentance, accompanied by exile to the village or a ban on leaving for the capital. For a serving nobleman, the punishment for participating in a duel was demotion in rank or exile (usually to the Caucasus).
Thus, a duel was a way of demonstrating the personal freedom of a nobleman. It was an indicator of protecting one’s honor, and was also regarded as a challenge to the existing order. Participation in a duel showed that the nobleman was in charge of his own life.
3.2. Duel in the second half of the 19th century
In the second half of the century, duels continued to be a phenomenon in the life of society. The authorities tried in every possible way to prevent duels. In the second half of the century, articles appeared in legislation condemning dueling and elevating it to the rank of a crime. The duel was typical for both the military and civilian spheres of society. Not only did society condemn duels, but the church also treated duelists as criminals.
In the civilian sphere, duels were tried in every possible way to be prohibited. In case of causing offense, it was forbidden to challenge someone to a duel, either verbally or in writing. It was forbidden to reproach someone who, following the law, did not go out to fight. Those who deliberately persuaded the duel to take place, and if it actually happened, they were subjected to imprisonment in a fortress from one to four years. Those who persuaded or deliberately encouraged someone to inflict a grave insult on another person in order to give rise to a duel were subject to the same punishments. Mediators were given the opportunity to prevent quarrels from going out to fight; employees could announce this to their superiors, and civilians to the local police. The legislation provided for cases for such categories of persons as officials and employees. A subordinate who dared to challenge his superior to a duel for personal reasons was subject to imprisonment in a fortress from four to eight months. If the commander's challenge to a duel was related to service, then the culprit was subject to imprisonment in a fortress from one to four years with deprivation of rights and benefits. As for material compensation to the families of officials killed in duels, it was completely absent; the person killed in a duel was regarded as a criminal.
However, duels remained widespread in the military environment. This is evidenced by the “Appendix of the rules on the resolution of quarrels that occur among officers.” From this document it followed that any insult inflicted by an officer on his comrade, as well as by an outsider or an officer of another unit, was submitted to the Court of Officers' Society for consideration. The court of the society of officers allowed the duel not to take place, but sometimes decided that the duel was the only decent means of satisfying the offended honor of the officer. From this document we can conclude that the military simply had to participate in the fight, otherwise they could be dismissed from service. The legislation prescribed punishments for those who challenged and for those who were challenged. Thus, a person who challenges a person to a duel for the challenge he organizes, if this challenge does not develop into a duel, is subject to arrest from three to seven days. And when, after a challenge, a duel did take place, but it ended without bloodshed, the challenger was sentenced to arrest from three weeks to three months. When a challenge to a duel was made as a result of a serious personal insult inflicted on the challenger or as a result of insulting his relatives, and the challenge had no consequences, then the one who made it was either released from any punishment or was sentenced only to arrest from one to three days. Those who accepted the challenge to a duel and entered it received arrest from one to three days as punishment. And if a weapon was used against one’s opponent, but the fight ended without bloodshed, then the arrest ranged from three to seven days.
Thus, punishment was intended for both participants in the fight, and they were equally responsible before the law. This is a list of punishments presented without lethal consequences. But if the fight ended tragically for one of the parties or for both, then a different period of punishment was provided. Anyone who challenges a duel, the consequence of which is death, is subject to imprisonment in a fortress for a period of four to six years. If, in the event of a duel, injuries or a serious wound were inflicted, imprisonment in a fortress was expected from two to four years. Challenged to a duel in the event of the death of his opponent, he could be imprisoned in a fortress for a period of two to four years. And if he was injured or seriously, but not fatally wounded, he could be imprisoned in a fortress from eight months to two years. If the participants who entered the duel made peace, and without bloodshed, according to their own conviction, then they were freed from any punishment. However, the punishments applied not only to the participants, but also to witnesses to the duel - seconds. The exception was a doctor who was invited to provide medical assistance to injured participants.
Seconds who, before or during a duel, did not use all possible means to stop it, were subject to imprisonment in a fortress from four to eight months in the event of the death of one of the opponents or both, or for inflicting a mortal wound. If the seconds encouraged the participants to fight, then they were sentenced to imprisonment in a fortress from two months to four years. It follows from this that the seconds, like the duelists themselves, received punishment in equal measure.
As a rule, duels were held on neutral territory, but there were also cases when people came to unfamiliar territory for a duel. Pistol dueling was widespread throughout the 19th century. It has gained a reputation for being simpler because... pistols equalized rivals in age, physical condition and level of training. The weapon had to be unfamiliar to both sides participating in the duel. But sometimes a duel with personal weapons was allowed, in case of a serious insult, at the request of the insulted person.
Examples of duels of this period can be found in literary works, because authors often described duels either based on the information of the participants or persons in one way or another connected with the ongoing fights. According to these descriptions, duels can be classified into one of six types. So the duel described in the work of I.S. Turgenev can be classified as a duel with approach and stop. The reason for this duel was the personal enmity of the heroes Bazarov and Pavel Kirsanov. What was unusual was that this duel took place without the participation of seconds.
“I propose to fight early tomorrow, behind the grove, with pistols, the barrier is ten steps away. Shoot twice. We won't have seconds, but there may be a witness. Would you like to charge? - No, you charge, and I’ll measure out the steps. Bazarov drew a line along the ground with the toe of his boot. – that’s the barrier. Bazarov, for his part, counted ten steps from the barrier and stopped. We can get along. Bazarov moved forward, and Pavel Petrovich walked towards him, raising the barrel of his pistol. And at the same moment a shot rang out. He stepped again and, without aiming, suppressed the spring. Pavel Petrovich grabbed his thigh with his hand. Bazarov threw the pistol to the side and approached his opponent.”
In the work of A.I. Kuprin, which is called “The Duel”, there is even an example of a report on the duel. The officer life that Kuprin spent with the rank of second lieutenant served as material for his work. This duel can be classified as a duel with approach.
“The opponents met at six o’clock in the morning, in a grove located three miles from the city. The duration of the fight, including the time spent on signals, was one minute ten seconds. The places occupied by the duelists were determined by lot. At the command “forward”, both opponents went towards each other, but with a shot fired by Lieutenant Nikolaev, Second Lieutenant Romashov was wounded in the right upper abdomen. After the established half-minute for a return shot had passed, it was discovered that Second Lieutenant Romashov could not respond to the enemy. As a result, the seconds of Second Lieutenant Romashov proposed to consider the fight over. While transferring Second Lieutenant Romashov into a wheelchair, he fainted and died seven minutes later from internal hemorrhage.”
There is information about duels that happened even at the beginning of the 20th century.
In the memoirs of F.F. Yusupov described that his older brother Nikolai died in a duel with Count Arvid Manteuffel in 1908 -
“I found out the details of the duel. It took place early in the morning on the estate of Prince Beloselsky on Krestovsky Island. They were shooting with revolvers thirty paces away. At this sign, Nikolai fired into the air. The guard shot at Nikolai, missed and demanded that the distance be reduced by fifteen steps. Nikolai fired into the air again. The guard shot and killed him outright. But this is no longer a duel, but a murder.” This duel can be classified as a duel on the spot at will.
And the duel between N.S. Gumilev and M.A. Voloshin shows that the fight is not equal, because M.A. Voloshin was not a representative of the nobility. The fight took place in violation of many rules. The duel took place on November 22, 1909 on the Black River, exactly at the place where the duel took place between A.S. Pushkin and Dantes. From the memoirs of A.N. Tolstoy: “I was chosen as the master of the duel. When I started counting my steps. I took the pistol to Gumilyov first. He was wearing a top hat and a frock coat, and he threw his fur coat onto the snow. Having handed over the second pistol to Voloshin, according to the rules, I offered to make peace for the last time. But Gumilev interrupted me, saying that he intended to fight, not make peace. Then I asked to get ready and began to count loudly: one, two, three. A reddish light flashed near Gumilyov and a shot rang out. Several seconds passed. There was no second shot. Gumilyov demanded that Voloshin fire a shot, Voloshin replied that there was a misfire. Voloshin raised the pistol, and I heard the trigger click, but there was no shot. I ran up to him. He pulled the pistol out of his trembling hand. We began to confer and refused to continue the fight. Gumilyov picked up his fur coat, threw it over his arm and walked towards the cars.” By court decision, arrest followed; for N.S. Gumilyov it was seven days, and for M.A. Voloshin one day. This case clearly shows that a duel ceases to be an advantage of a noble phenomenon.
Duels flourished among the Russian army. Generals enthusiastically compile and describe manuals for conducting matters of honor among officers. However, throughout the century, the authorities hate the duel, because the duel is a sign of freedom. The duelists boldly allow themselves to control their own and other people's lives, which, of course, did not suit the heads of state.
By the end of the century, the duel becomes more exotic. The duel shifted from the sphere of class to the cultural, and the bearers of dueling consciousness were sometimes commoners. In the minds of society, a duel no longer had the character of defending honor or one’s principles, but was regarded as murder or deliberate infliction of harm.
Dueling customs were widespread in the 19th century; they gradually, overcoming the resistance of the rulers, grew into Russian life, and disappeared almost suddenly at the beginning of the 20th century. The disappearance of the duel is associated with the new worldview of people; the country at the beginning of the 20th century participated in many armed conflicts, people understood the value of life and realized that disputes, quarrels and other disagreements can be resolved peacefully.
Conclusion
The appearance of the nobility gradually changed throughout the 19th century. The details of clothing changed, the costume began to be simplified, this was due both to fashion trends and to the fact that the nobility as a class gradually began to fade away.
The upbringing and education of nobles in general throughout the 19th century took several forms. Using the example of biographies, it was revealed that education was not always completed, and sometimes it took place abroad. Women's education was practically absent; the only educational institution for girls was the Institute of Noble Maidens. And young men in the second half of the century showed less preference for studying in non-military educational institutions.
The duel remained popular throughout the 19th century. Representatives of the nobility quite often used a duel as a way to resolve disagreements. The purpose of the duel was to restore honor, to remove the shame caused by the insult from the offended person. The duel phenomenon was especially popular in the first half of the 19th century, since it was at this time that most fights took place. And in the second half of the 19th century, society condemned duels and considered them just a simple formality. Articles prohibiting fights appeared in the legislation and elevated them to the rank of a crime.
As a result, changes in the life of the nobility affected the nobility as a whole. In the second half of the 19th century, the nobility lost its community, which was largely due to the government's all-class policy. By the beginning of the 20th century, the nobility as a class began to “fade out,” this was due to both external and internal processes.
Sources and literature
Personal Sources
- Aksakov K.S. Memoirs of students 1832-1835. Russian memoirs. M., 1990.
- Bunin I.A. Memories. M., 2003. (www.zakharov.ru).
- Vodovozova E.N. At the dawn of life. T. 1. M., 1987. (www.zakharov.ru).
- Volkonsky S.M. My memories. In 2 books. M., 2004. (www.zakharov.ru).
- Semenov-Tyan-Shansky P.P. Childhood and youth. Russian memoirs. M., 1990.
- Shchepkina V.A. Memories. Russian memoirs. M., 1990.
Literary works
- Kuprin A.I. Stories. In 2 volumes. T. 1. M., 2002.
- Lermontov M.Yu. Hero of our time. M., 1988.
- Pushkin. A.S. Eugene Onegin: a novel in verse. M., 1980.
- Turgenev I.S. Fathers and Sons. L., 1985.
Office documentation
- Duel of Pushkin with Dantes-Heeckeren. Genuine military court case of 1837. St. Petersburg, 1900.
Legislative sources
- Complete collection of laws of the Russian Empire. Rules for the resolution of quarrels that occur among officers. Collection 3rd. T. XIV. St. Petersburg, 1898.
- Code of Laws of the Russian Empire. SPb., T. XIV. 1912. Charter on the prevention and suppression of crimes.
Artistic sources
- Borovikovsky V.L. Portrait of A.P. Dubovitsky. 1804, portrait of D.A. Derzhavina. 1813 (http://www.bg-gallery.ru).
- Bryullov K.P. Portrait of A.N. Ramazanova. 1821, portrait of the writer N.V. Kukolnik. 1836, portrait of Count A.A. Perovsky. 1836, portrait of N.N. Pushkina. 1832, portrait of M.O. Smirnova. 1830 (http://www.bg-gallery.ru).
- Kiprensky O. A. Portrait of S. S. Uvarov. 1815, portrait of A. A. Olenina. 1828 (http://www.bg-gallery.ru).
- Kramskoy I.N. Portrait of I.A. Goncharova. 1874, portrait of P.I. Livena. 1879, portrait of V.N. Tretyakova. 1876, portrait of E.A. Vasilchikova. 1867 (http://www.artpoisk.info.ru).
- Makovsky K.E. Portrait of D.I. Tolstoy. 1901, Family portrait. 1882, portrait of M.E. Orlova-Davydova. 1889, portrait of M.M. Volkonskaya. 1884, Portrait of A.I. Suvorina. 1880s (http://www.artpoisk.info.ru).
- Sokolov P.F. Portrait of N.A. Chelishcheva. 1817, portrait of O. A. Golitsyna. 1847, portrait of P.N. Ryumina. 1847, portrait of S.P. Apraksina. 1842 (http://www.bg-gallery.ru).
- Tropinin V. A. Portrait of A. I. Kusov. 1820, portrait of A.I. Baryshnikov. 1829, portrait of M.F. Protasyev. 1840s (http://www.bg-gallery.ru).
- Photos by I.A. Bunina. 1901, A.F. Tyutcheva. 1862, Z.N. Gippius. Beginning of the 20th century. (http://ru.wikipedia.org).
LIFE OF A NOBLERY ESTATE
Country noble estate late XVIII- in the first third of the 19th century, due to the universality of its purpose, it appeared at the same time as a luxurious residence of an aristocrat, a rural cultural salon, an office of an enlightened nobleman, a shelter for a poet, scientist, philosopher, a multifunctional farm and a patriarchal family home.
A.A. Fet wrote: “What is a noble estate from a moral and aesthetic point of view? This is a “house” and a “garden”, built in the lap of nature, when the human is one with the “natural” in the deepest organic flowering and renewal, and the natural does not shy away from the ennobling cultural cultivation of man, when the poetry of native nature develops the soul hand in hand with the beauty of the fine arts , and under the roof of the manor house the special music of domestic life does not dry out, living in alternation between the activities of labor and idle fun, joyful love and pure contemplation.”
In the Moscow region Osta-
fieve owner of the estate
If only Prince P.A. Vyazemsky had created a special microclimate for the family hearth. His children grew up and were brought up in an atmosphere of love and tender care. Pyotr Andreevich attached great importance to the upbringing and education of his children, with whom tutors, governesses, and teachers worked in Ostafyevo. They taught children several languages: French, English, German, Latin.
Children were taught the Russian language using as teaching aids “Letters of a Russian Traveler” and “Children’s Reading” by N.M. Karamzin, works by V.A. Zhukovsky. Fables by I.I. Dmitriev and I.A. Krylov, odes of G.R. Derzhavin were learned by heart. The surviving notebooks of the Vyazemsky children on arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, physics, geography, and sacred history testify to the sciences they taught. Particular attention was paid to the study of ancient and new history, history of the Fatherland. In this case, the goal was not only to memorize individual facts, but to think and reason about historical examples. We practiced calligraphy with the children. They kept diaries and wrote letters. Children were also taught to dance, play the piano, draw, and ride horses.
Life in the summer on the estate largely determined the daily routine and the nature of children's leisure time. We got up early. On Sundays, after mass, we went into the forest for a walk and picked mushrooms. During the day, in good weather, they played gymnastic games, and sometimes village children were invited to join the party. On hot summer days, children swam in the pond, following, on the recommendation of the prince, a certain bathing regime.
Life in the estate determined the circle of activities of Ostafiev’s mistress, Princess V.F. Vyazemskaya. She devoted most of her time to children. In addition, she translated with them pages of N.M. Karamzin’s works from Russian into French. The princess read a lot and played music. Sometimes she went to visit neighbors and hosted them.
In the absence of the prince, Vera Fedorovna carried out his instructions regarding the work of the Ostafevsky cloth factory, various household affairs, and gardening work. At the request of Pyotr Andreevich, the princess was busy putting the Ostafevsky library in order.
Letters from the managing prince P.A. Vyazemsky Diomid Fedorovich Muromtsov for 1828-1831 preserved in the archive. allow us to restore some economic and everyday details of the Vyazemskys’ way of life in Ostafyevo during this period. They contain information about how the Ostafevsky house was prepared for the arrival of the owners for the summer period: they painted the floors, frames, good days We ventilated rooms, repaired furniture, and did homework. Household notebooks with culinary recipes found in the archive contain many ways to prepare food at home: among them are recipes for pickling meat, mushrooms, cucumbers, making pancakes, jams, ice cream, fruit drinks, and wine from various berries. Most of the preparations were intended for storage in the cellar, which was available on the estate.
In the fall of 1830, P.A. Vyazemsky was heavily involved in literary activities and wrote a biography of Fonvizin. Muromtsov sent him writing paper, ink, pens, Russian and French books, Moscow, St. Petersburg and French newspapers, magazines. For the New Year, the manager sent champagne, mint vodka, and sweets to Ostafyevo.
Communication with relatives, friends, and neighbors was an essential element of the Vyazemskys’ way of life in Ostafyevo in the first third of the 19th century. Family ties connected the Vyazemskys with the owners of the Filimonki estate, which belonged to the Chetvertinskys. The Vyazemskys often visited the Chetvertinskys and received them at their place in Ostafyevo.
Bonds of friendship connected the Vyazemskys with the owners of other estates. The owner of Petrovsky, general and chamberlain Pushkin Alexey Mikhailovich, together with his relative Vasily Lvovich Pushkin, played in home amateur performances in Ostafyevo. The Vyazemskys visited the Orlovs in their Otrada-Semenovskoye estate near Moscow, the Obolensky princes in Troitsky, Podolsk district, and often visited the Trubetskoys in Znamensky, the Volkonskys in Sukhanov. The Vyazemskys had a relationship of cordial friendship and mutual sympathy with the Okulov sisters, who lived in the Nikulskoye estate, adjacent to Ostafyev.
On holidays, many guests came to the estate. Traditionally, the day of the Holy Trinity, the day of Peter and Paul, the birthday of Prince P.A. Vyazemsky, the name day of Princess V.F. Vyazemsky, and Christmastide were widely celebrated. For holidays, adults and children were given gifts, sewn new clothes.
Trips from Ostafyev to Moscow, to the estates of relatives and friends, and walks in the picturesque surroundings of the estate were made in various types of carriages. The household had: 2 strollers, 2 dormezes, intended for long journeys and adapted for sleeping on the way, a tarantass, a small children's droshky; for winter trips there were one three-piece leather-covered sled, two two-horse sleds, and one single-horse sled. The carriages were stored in the carriage house of the estate. There were riding horses in the stables, and in total there were 17 horses on the farm.
The way of life on the estate was closely connected with the life of the peasants. The master's estate, being a multifunctional farm, existed surrounded by the world of serfs and was in constant and close interaction with it. The order of work of peasants at the factory established by the prince, the system of reward and punishment he introduced characterize him as an honest and fair landowner and owner of the factory.
For its owner, Prince P.A. Vyazemsky, the Ostafyevo estate was a holy place where his soul always strove: “... There should be some shrines in the world, holy places inaccessible to the persecution of fate, so that the heart can be completely at peace for its loved ones.. ."
Literature
senior researcher museum-estate
Ostafyevo
"Russian Parnassus"
Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation
federal state budgetary educational institution
higher professional education
"Moscow Pedagogical State University"
Institute of History and Politics
History department
Department of Russian History
COURSE WORK
topic: “Life and traditions of the Russian nobility in the 18th - 19th centuries”
Direction of training 44.03.05 “Pedagogical education”
Profile: History
Introduction
Chapter 1. Daily life of nobles
§3. Card game
Chapter 2. Noble education
§1. Women's education
§2. Education and training of young nobles
Chapter 3. Civil service
§1. Military service
§2. Civil service
Conclusion
Bibliography
Introduction
The era under study is a century of turning point in social life. Perhaps this is why it is so interesting not only to historians, but is also a very discussed topic in society. There are numerous disputes and discussions about the life and cultural characteristics of the Russian nobility. In this course work The main attention is paid to the problems of public life and the traditions of the nobles. The history of noble life has significant potential for understanding the features and originality of the historical development of Russia. The scientific relevance of this work lies in the fact that there are tendencies towards studying the life of the nobles from the society; people have always been interested in learning about how they lived, what they were interested in, how previous generations raised their children. There is an increasing interest not only in the life of the nobles, but also in the nobles themselves, no longer as a “class of exploiters,” but as figures and representatives of the great Russian culture.
The formation of the Russian historiography of the nobility begins in the 18th century, and the first work devoted to the Russian nobility itself appears in 1776, under the pen of the historian G. F. Miller. In his work he compares the Russian nobility with the European one. N.M. Karamzin also studied the nobility; he declares that the “Table of Ranks” is destructive for the noble class: “the nobility should not be based on ranks, but ranks based on the nobility, i.e. To acquire certain ranks, it would be necessary to require nobility, which has not been observed in our country since the time of Peter the Great.” S.M. Solovyov laid the foundation for the formation of the classical views of the state school on the development of classes, and the nobility, in particular. In his “Historical Letters” he shows the decisive role of the state in the formation of the noble class. A. V. Romanovich-Slavatinsky in 1870 published probably the most thorough study on the history of the Russian nobility, which finally consolidates the idea that the nobility is an estate created by the state. The historian believes that the nobility in Russia “has always been a political institution, existing and changing in accordance with the goals and needs of the government.”
In the post-revolutionary period, the historiography of the nobility was quite scarce, since this topic was somewhat taboo, but the works of S.M. were still devoted to the history of the nobility. Troitsky, who writes about the relationship between the autocracy and the nobility throughout the 18th century. S. M. Troitsky believes that absolutism is gradually replacing the nobility with bureaucracy, and over time the nobility acquires a certain independence. Yu.M. Lotman, the author of one of the fundamental works on the history of the culture of the nobility, viewed it through the prism of the cultural norms and traditions created by the nobility.
In the 1990s, there was a revival of interest in the history of the nobility, and in the works of modern researchers different approaches to the study of this problem are noticeable. Such researchers of noble psychology as S.S. Mints and E.N. Marasinov write about the growth of class consciousness of the nobles in the 18th - early 19th centuries. It should also be noted the monograph by I.V. Faizova, which is dedicated to the service of the nobility before and after the Manifesto of 1762. Amateur historians, for example A. Shokareva, are interested in the problem of cultural characteristics, traditions and life of the nobles.
Goal of the work:
Based on Soviet and modern research works, draw up and characterize an approximate picture of the life of a nobleman in the 18th - 19th centuries.
Job objectives:
) Analyze a complex of scientific literature that provides information about the life of the nobility in the 18th - 19th centuries.
) Consider the models and practices of noble life, education and public service.
) Identify common characteristics in these three spheres of life, based on which we can imagine the development path of the noble class in the 18th - 19th centuries.
Chapter 1. Daily life of nobles
§1. Noble life and culture of communication
Russian nobility life traditions
The Russian nobility in the 18th - 19th centuries was a product of Peter the Great's reform. Among the various consequences of this reform, the creation of the nobility as the state and culturally dominant class is clearly not the least important. Peter's reform, with all the costs that the era and the personality of the tsar imposed on it, solved national problems, creating a statehood that ensured Russia's two-hundred-year existence next to the main European powers, and creating one of the most vibrant cultures in the history of human civilization. The Petrine era put an end to the class of service people forever. The forms of St. Petersburg city life were created by Peter I, and his ideal was the so-called. “regular state”, where all life is regulated, subject to rules, built in compliance with geometric proportions, reduced to precise, almost linear relationships.
The behavior of the nobles was strikingly different in Moscow and St. Petersburg. This is how Ekaterina Vladimirovna Novosiltseva describes the way of life in her grandmother’s house: “At eight o’clock they drank tea. Vera Vasilyevna (aunt) was busy taking care of the household, the grandmother began her long prayer, Katya and her sister Olya were studying in their outbuilding. And Nadezhda Vasilyevna (the eldest aunt) went for a walk, that is, to visit familiar neighbors, but first she went to early mass. For about an hour everyone gathered in the teahouse. The dinner table was set at two o'clock. Then the whole family rested, and the girls went to their outbuilding. At six o'clock everyone gathered in the living room, where Vera Vasilievna was pouring tea. In the thirties, my grandmother no longer went anywhere except for church, but previously she always went to visit in the evenings. The evening was spent with the family. Nadezhda Vasilievna either went on a visit herself or invited some neighbor. At ten there was dinner, and then everyone went to their places (only Katya ran to Vera Vasilyevna and talked to her until two o’clock).
In St. Petersburg, the daily routine was completely different. The writer M. A. Corsini captured the way of life of the Northern capital in the image of one of her heroines, who got up at two o’clock in the afternoon, talked with her daughter, gave household orders, had dinner, then she had to get ready to visit herself or wait for them to appear in order to spend the rest days for cards.
Of course, a nobleman’s communication style depended on his place of residence. If it were possible to draw up a certain scale of hospitality, then the highest point would be in the estates, and St. Petersburg would be characterized by the greatest restraint and closedness. In St. Petersburg they lived constantly in the invisible or real presence of the emperor, so they could not afford more free behavior. Life in St. Petersburg was more expensive, ostentatious and fussy. In Moscow, the pace of life was slower, and the number of daily contacts with friends was much less than in the Northern capital, which made it possible to devote more time to family, communication with loved ones and favorite activities.
Over the course of half a century, the ideal behavior of a nobleman in the family changed, striving for liberation from previously accepted norms of communication. If at the beginning of the 19th century a husband and wife communicated exclusively using “you,” then by the 1830s it became quite acceptable. It was also indecent for girls to smoke and drink, and already in the 1840s, “paquitoski” came into fashion among young ladies of the capital and festive table They were poured champagne. Given the undoubted value of marriage in secular circles, what comes to the fore is not the internal relationship between spouses, but the external picture of maintaining decency, which is in demand in society. The change in behavioral norms in the family was primarily determined by the influence of Western European culture through communication with foreign tutors, reading foreign books and frequent trips abroad.
The destiny of men was military service. Well-born noble nobles enrolled their sons in the regiments almost even before birth: one can recall, for example, Grinev from “The Captain’s Daughter,” who told about himself: “Mother was still pregnant with me, as I was already enrolled in the Semenovsky regiment as a sergeant.” The child literally “served” from the cradle and was promoted. By the age of 14-15, when going into real service, the boys already had fairly high ranks and could command a unit. And some officers from wealthy military families only saw it in the picture - loving mothers did not let their sons go into active service. And they had practically no chance to rise to a high rank. After retiring, which often happened immediately after marriage, the nobles settled on their estates, where there could be a pack of greyhounds, a pleasant company of provincial ladies, and casual conversations over a glass of aniseed vodka.
As for women, their position in society and their type of activity directly depended on the position of first their father, then their husband and their type of activity. This was stated in the table of ranks. Women also had their own ranks: colonel, brigadier, adviser, general's wife, secretary - this was the name given to the wife of a colonel, brigadier, adviser, etc., respectively. And under Empresses Anna and Elizabeth, a whole dress code was developed that regulated women's attire the width of the lace, the presence of gold or silver embroidery on the dress, the splendor of the dress itself, and so on, so that the lady can be classified at one glance at her attire. Mainstein, in his Notes on Russia, writes that “Luxury was already exaggerated and cost the court a huge amount of money. It's incredible how much money went abroad through this. A courtier who allocated only 2 or 3 thousand rubles a year for his wardrobe, i.e. 10 and 15 thousand francs, could not boast of panache.”
Until the second half of the 19th century, noblewomen were completely deprived of the opportunity to make at least some kind of career. Precedents have occurred, such as the cavalry maiden Nadezhda Durova, but such cases can be counted on the fingers of one hand. To strive to serve, that is, to do a man's work, was a condemnable and shameful thing for a noblewoman. The destiny of a noble maiden is marriage, motherhood, and housekeeping.
The moral ideal that the nobility sought to embody in the first half of the 19th century included such elements as: chivalry, introduced by cultural ties with Western Europe, heroism, drawn from the ancient classics, as well as elements of Orthodox piety, which became the moral core even at the time of adoption Christianity. The way of life of the nobles of the first half of the 19th century depended on their social status, wealth and place of residence. However, following foreign cultural models led to disharmony in society. The values that were accepted among the nobility contradicted the patriarchal way of life and the worldview of the peasantry, merchants and clergy. The image of a noble person, who absorbed the ideas of equality and brotherhood, promoted by Western culture, was so uncharacteristic of Russian culture as a whole. In the circle of the nobility, questions began to be raised more and more often: according to what scenario for Russia to develop, what form of government is optimal for it, what can ensure happiness for the people. At the same time, other ideas were strong for the peasantry - that the only form of government in Russia can only be autocracy, and the only religion is Orthodoxy.
Great Russian writers, describing Russia of that time and its various segments of the population, paid a lot of attention to the role of the nobility in Russian society. This problem was reflected in the satirical depiction of feudal landowners by writers of that time. For example, in “Woe from Wit” the Moscow nobility is a society of callous serf-owners, where the light of science does not penetrate, where everyone is terribly afraid of novelty, and “their enmity towards free life is irreconcilable.” It is not for nothing that Pushkin chose Griboyedov’s lines for the epigraph to the seventh chapter of Eugene Onegin. By this he wanted to emphasize that since then the Moscow nobility has not changed at all:
“Lyubov Petrovna still lies, Ivan Petrovich is just as stupid...”
Pushkin and Griboedov showed in their works that at that time in Russia it did not matter what the quality of education was, everything foreign was in fashion, and people from “high society” were alienated from national culture. Both “Woe from Wit” and “Eugene Onegin” emphasize the facelessness of the “powers of this world.” They have no individuality, everything is fake, and public opinion is the most important thing for them. Everyone strives for some generally accepted standard, they are afraid to express their feelings and thoughts. And hiding your true face under a mask has already become a habit.
§2. Balls
Dancing was an important structural element of noble life. Their role was significantly different from both the function of dances in the folk life of that time and from the modern one.
The ball turned out to be, on the one hand, a sphere opposite to service - an area of relaxed communication, social recreation, a place where the boundaries of the official hierarchy were weakened. The presence of ladies, dancing, and social norms introduced extra-official value criteria, and a young lieutenant who danced deftly and knew how to make the ladies laugh could feel superior to an aging colonel who had been in battle. On the other hand, the ball was an area of public representation, a form of social organization, one of the few forms of collective life allowed in Russia at that time.
Since the time of Peter the Great's assemblies, the question of organizational forms of secular life has also become acute. Forms of recreation, youth communication, and calendar ritual, which were basically common to both the people and the boyar-noble milieu, had to give way to a noble culture of everyday life. The internal organization of the ball was a task of cultural importance, since it was a form of communication between “gentlemen” and “ladies”, and was supposed to determine the type of social behavior within the noble culture. This entailed the ritualization of the ball, the creation of a certain strict sequence of certain parts and mandatory elements. The structure of the ball arose, and it itself was something like a theatrical performance, in which each element corresponded to certain emotions, styles of behavior, etc.
The main element of the ball as a social and aesthetic event was dancing. They served as the organizing core of the evening, setting the tone, style and type of conversation. Ballroom conversation was very far from the intellectual game that was cultivated in the literary salons of Paris in the 18th century, and the absence of which Pushkin complained about in Russia. Nevertheless, it had its own charm - freedom, ease, liveliness of conversation between a man and a woman, who, at the same time, found themselves in the center of a noisy celebration, and in intimacy impossible under other circumstances.
Dance training began early - from the age of five or six. Early learning dancing was very painful and resembled the tough training of an athlete. Long training gave young man not only agility during dancing, but also confidence in movements, freedom in posing a figure, which influenced him from a psychological point of view: he felt confident and free, like an experienced actor on stage. The grace that manifested itself in the precision of movements was a sign of good upbringing.
The ball at the beginning of the 19th century began with a Polish (polonaise), which played the role of a solemn, first dance. The second ballroom dance is the waltz. Pushkin characterized him this way:
"Monotonous and crazy,
Like a young whirlwind of life,
A noisy whirlwind swirls around the waltz;
Couple flashes after couple.”
The epithets “monotonous and crazy” have more than just an emotional connotation. “Monotonous” - because, unlike the mazurka, the waltz consisted of the same repetitive movements. "Mad" - because, in the 1820s, the waltz had a reputation as an obscene, or at least overly free dance. The waltz created a very comfortable environment for tender embraces: the proximity of the dancers contributed to intimacy, and the touching of hands made it possible to pass notes. Thus, the waltz created the ideal conditions for gentle explanations.
The mazurka formed the center of the ball and marked its culmination. The Mazurka was danced with numerous fancy figures and a male solo that formed the climax of the dance.
Cotillion - a type of quadrille, one of the dances that concludes the ball, was danced to the tune of a waltz and was a dance-game, the most relaxed, varied and playful dance.
However, the ball was not the only place where one could spend a noisy and fun night. An alternative to it was single drinking bouts in the company of young revelers, brigand officers, and famous drunkards. The ball was a completely decent and social event, contrasting itself with this revelry, which was perceived as a manifestation of “bad taste.” A brutal card game and noisy walks through the streets of St. Petersburg at night completed the picture.
The ball had a harmonious composition. It was like some kind of festive whole, subordinated to the movement from the strict form of ceremonial ballet to various forms of choreographic play. However, in order to understand the entire meaning of the ball, you need to understand it in contrast to the two extreme poles: the parade and the masquerade.
The parade in the form that it received under the influence of the peculiar “creativity” of Paul I was a rather unique, carefully thought out ritual. It represented the opposite of fighting. A battle required initiative, a parade required submission, turning the army into a ballet. In relation to the parade, the ball acted as something opposite. The ball contrasted subordination, discipline, and erasure of personality with fun, freedom, and the harsh depression of a person with his joyful excitement.
The fact that the ball required a rather strict internal organization limited the freedom within it. This necessitated the need for another element to play the role of planned and foreseen chaos. The masquerade took on this role.
Masquerade dressing, in principle, contradicted deep Orthodox traditions. In the Orthodox consciousness, this was one of the most stable signs of demonism. Therefore, the European cultural tradition of masquerade had difficulty penetrating the noble life of the 18th century. or merged with folklore mummers.
At the end of the 18th - beginning of the 19th centuries, the card game acquired the features of a universal model, a unique myth-formation of the era. The function of the card game reveals its dual nature. On the one hand, a card game is a game, that is, it has the image of a certain conflict situation. On the other hand, the cards are also used for fortune telling, which means that other functions of the cards are activated: predictive and programming.
Playing cards was something more than the desire to win as material gain. Only professional card sharpers looked at the card this way. For an honest gambler, winning was not an end in itself, but a means to create a feeling of risk and introduce unpredictability into one’s life. This feeling was the flip side of the uniformed, ceremonial life of a nobleman. Petersburg, military service, the very spirit of the imperial era took away a person’s freedom and excluded chance. The game brought that very randomness into life. In order to better understand this passionate commitment of the nobles to the map, we recall the image of St. Petersburg:
The city is lush, the city is pale,
Spirit of bondage, slender appearance
The vault of heaven is green and pale
Boredom, cold and granite...
Card games and gambling, formally prohibited and severely persecuted at the beginning of the 18th century, in the second half of the century became a general custom of noble society and were actually canonized. Evidence of their recognition was the procedure established in the 30s of the 19th century, according to which income from playing cards went in favor of Maria Fedorovna’s department, that is, for philanthropic ideas.
The card game becomes the focal point in which the social conflicts of the era intersect. Unfair play has accompanied gambling since its inception. However, in the 30s and 40s it turned into a real epidemic. The secular sharper was replaced by a professional sharper, for whom “card theft” became the main and constant source of livelihood. Noble society regarded dishonest card playing, although with condemnation, but much more leniently than, for example, refusal to fight in a duel or other “ignoble” actions. If cards are a synonym for a duel, then their antonym in public life is a parade. This opposition expressed the “duel” of Chance and Regularity, the state imperative, and personal arbitrariness. These two poles seemed to delineate the border of the noble life of that era.
Chapter 2. Noble education
§1. Women's education
The question of a woman’s place in society was invariably associated with the attitude towards her education. The Petrine era brought a new position on this issue. By the decrees of Peter I, wives and daughters “from noble houses” were strictly ordered to attend “assemblies”, that is, public celebrations, to attend “theaters”, and to receptions of foreign ambassadors and diplomats. The sister of Peter I, Natalia Alekseevna, founded a small theater at her court, wrote plays for it, and took part in their production on stage. The liberation of women from “terem seclusion” allowed them to look at issues of marriage and love differently.
Even in the early days, the state became the initiator of introducing women to education. From the beginning of the 18th century, during the reign of Peter I, such an important issue in women’s life as marriage suddenly became associated with education. Peter, by a special decree, ordered illiterate noble girls who could not at least sign their last name not to be married. One should not think that before Peter all women in Russia were illiterate, but at the beginning of the 18th century the question of literacy was posed in a completely new way. The need for female education and its nature became the subject of controversy and was associated with a general revision of the type of life and type of way of life.
We are already accustomed to the fact that progressive trends in pedagogy are associated with the desire for the same education of boys and girls. Since the middle of the 19th century, the idea of gender equality, and therefore of common principles of education and training, has become a kind of banner of democratic pedagogy. However, “general” education in the 18th century was practically a male education, and the idea of introducing girls to “male education” always meant limiting access to them. Now the idea of educating all noble women arose. Therefore, the problem of educational institutions immediately arose. Educational institutions for girls were the need of the time; they took on a dual character: private boarding schools appeared, and at the same time arose government system education.
Under Catherine II, an educational institution arose, which was called the Smolny Institute after the premises where it was located, and its students were called Smolyanka. The Smolny Institute at the Resurrection Convent was conceived as an educational institution with a very broad program. It was assumed that Smolensk women would study at least two languages, as well as physics, mathematics, astronomy, dance and architecture. Education at the Smolny Institute, despite its broad plans, was uneven in different subjects, but languages were taught best. Here the requirements were serious and the students achieved great success. Of the other subjects, only dancing and handicrafts were given more importance.
Studying at the Smolny Institute lasted nine years. Little girls of five or six years old were brought here, and for nine years they lived at the institute, as a rule, almost never seeing home. This isolation of the Smolyankas was part of a well-thought-out system. The training was based on the principle of isolation: female students were quite consciously separated from the home atmosphere. This tradition dates back to I.I. Betsky, who wanted to limit the pupils from the environment of influence of their parents, and raise them to be “ideal people” according to the educational model. The hardest thing in the life of college girls was the severity of the daily routine. Rising at six in the morning, six or seven lessons every day, the allotted time for games was limited.
The Smolny Institute was by no means the only women's educational institution in Russia. Private boarding houses arose. By the end of the 18th century there were several dozen of them in St. Petersburg, more than ten in Moscow, and several in the provinces. The boarding houses were foreign. The level of education was often very low. They systematically taught language and dance. The teachers were, as a rule, French or German. The boarding system turned out to be aimed at the very thing that Peter once cared about - for the girl to get married and become a good wife.
At the beginning of the 19th century, Empress Maria Feodorovna took the initiative to open closed class institutions for girls (the Orphan Institute, institutes for noble maidens, Alexander Schools, Mariinsky Institutes) not only in the capital cities, but also in other cities of the empire. It is worth noting that during the first half of the 19th century, the tsarist government, represented by the Ministry of Public Education, did not carry out significant changes in the field of women's education. There were a fairly small number of public girls' schools in the country.
In 1804, the charter of educational institutions subordinate to universities was approved. According to the charter, female representatives were allowed access only to the lowest level of the public education system - parish schools. By the beginning of the 19th century, two independent branches of women's education had taken shape - closed ones, subordinate to the department of the empress, and open women's educational institutions (parochial schools of the Ministry of Public Education, private boarding houses and schools). In 1835, a regulation was adopted regulating the activities of private educational institutions. According to this provision, all private boarding houses and schools had to approach their corresponding state-owned institutions in terms of course of study. Strict control was established over private schools and boarding schools. For this purpose, special inspectors were appointed in the provinces and districts, whose duties included monitoring the progress of the educational process. The regulations on private educational institutions existed without changes from 1835 to 1857. In the 1840s - early 1850s. the female education system was supplemented by another structure - educational institutions for the daughters of the clergy. These educational institutions were subordinate to local diocesan authorities.
Over the years, the issue of reforming the female education system has become topical. Under the influence of a stormy social movement on May 30, 1858. "Regulations on women's schools of the Ministry of Public Education" were published. This event was the starting point for the spread of the female education system in Russia. According to this provision, it was planned to open first and second class six- and three-year women's schools in provincial and district towns, where girls of all classes could study. The bulk of the funds for the maintenance of schools were assigned to various charitable organizations, as well as individuals. Thus, a system of women's education gradually took shape in Russia. However, it did not have homogeneity, since different educational institutions were subordinate to different departments.
§2. Education and training of young nobles
The formation of a child occurs in a sociocultural environment; its formation depends on living conditions and the people with whom it communicates. In noble families, they took a responsible approach to the development of the child’s personality and tried to control all stages of his development, following the traditional attitudes and patterns for this environment. The position of the children of nobles in the house was, so to speak, strictly defined and limited from the world of adults. The child was not considered equal to his parents, the hierarchy of family relationships was invariably maintained, so that each family member knew his place in the house.
Fathers usually raised older children, leaving children in the care of their mothers or nannies. Basically, noble families adopted a rather strict education system. Children were taken to their parents to say hello and thank them for lunch; the children kissed their parents’ hands and did not dare address them as “you.” Boys and girls were raised differently. Corporal punishment was practiced in some families, but it was not considered an insult, as it was widespread, and corporal punishment was used much less often on girls than on boys.
To ensure that children had all the conditions for full development, wealthy nobles surrounded them with numerous servants. Until the age of three, the child was looked after by a nanny, until the age of 7-9 - by a “madam” (they played the role of a tutor, taught children languages and good manners), then by a tutor - until entering an educational institution (11 years old) or before going out into the world (16-17 years).
Education has always been considered prestigious among noble people, and a noble child could not do without it. Both domestic and foreign tutors took part in home education. The first could be from students or graduates of higher educational institutions, or theological academies, or from among graduates and graduates of secondary educational institutions (boarding schools). The second consisted mainly of the French, Germans, English and Swedes. In the second half of the 18th century, it was French mentors who were in fashion. During the reign of Catherine II, the nobles “were satisfied with any French, they cannot properly make a really good choice, they finally do not have freedom of choice.” Many of the French came to Russia in search of a job as a hairdresser, cook, footman, but found the position of tutor more attractive for themselves, because... in a number of cases they were offered 400-500 rubles a year, free board and an apartment. They taught children foreign languages, because it was the knowledge of languages that modern times demanded of the nobility. In this regard, the most significant was the French language, which replaced German by the middle of the 18th century. The French language was necessary, because only a very good knowledge of it provided a nobleman with respect both in the provincial noble society, and, even more so, in high society. Naturally, a variety of French literature was mandatory for study. Of course, tutors did not enjoy the same respect in the family as parents. The tutor occupied a place in the family just above the servant. However, the child was obliged to observe decency, show signs of respect to the teacher, and could not afford familiarity.
The main rule when raising girls was that “a woman is obliged to observe modesty and courtesy.” Girls should have prayed morning and evening, gone to church, received communion, read books, drawn, dance, been outdoors, done handicrafts, remained silent in a large company and not shown their extensive (if any) knowledge. Unfortunately, parents did not often care about the mental improvement of their daughters. Home education ended for girls when they began to be taken to balls.
For young people, home education stopped if the boy was sent to a boarding school, school, or cadet corps. Caring about their child’s career and how he would provide for himself in the future, parents often had to send him to an educational institution located far from home. Children often experienced the separation from their parents quite hard, but having overcome these difficulties, they then gratefully remembered the efforts of their parents.
In the 19th century, noble children were kept in strictness, favorite insolence and pranks were suppressed, respect and veneration for parents and elders were cultivated. They tried to convey to children the principle of nepotism - the value, strength and necessity of family ties. Servants and teachers also expressed their respect for their parents in every possible way, which reinforced their high status in the children's worldview.
It is necessary to note several specific features that affect the communication and communicative behavior of children. Firstly, there was isolation and limited family circle - noble children rarely communicated with peers from other families. Secondly, the opposite influence on the child of several traditions and worldviews at once. Nannies, wet nurses, and serf servants communicated with children using colloquial expressions and poetic images of Russian folklore, which helped the child realize that he belonged to the Russian people and Orthodox culture. On the other hand, the influence of foreign tutors who taught languages was also very significant. Tutors introduced children to European culture, thereby enriching their inner world and encouraging them to be creative.
The formation of a new type of personality of a nobleman and noblewoman, which began earlier, continued, which was the result of borrowing European educational systems. During the time of Peter I, the creation of a secular school and noble education was an exclusively state matter. However, it was the first third of the 19th century that is considered the “golden age” of Russian culture. Its creators were mainly nobles. And a huge impact on future children statesmen, writers, scientists - was influenced, first of all, by the homely atmosphere and family upbringing.
Chapter 3. Public service
§1. Military service
The 18th century is a time of youth for the Russian state and Russian noble culture. The Russian nobility was born as a military caste, and the nobleman was a man with a weapon, and his purpose was armed intervention in the course of life - wars, suppression of rebellions. Despite the adoption of the manifesto on February 18, 1762 and the destruction of the compulsory nature of civil service for the nobility, rank continued to remain the main criterion of the class hierarchy both for the autocratic government and for contemporaries. The table of ranks adopted by Peter I in 1722 divided all types of service into military, civil and court. Military service, in turn, was divided into land and sea. The table of ranks placed military service in a privileged position. This was expressed in the fact that all 14 classes in military service gave the right of hereditary nobility, and in the civil service such a right was given only starting from the VIII class. This meant that the lowest rank of chief officer in the military service already gave hereditary nobility, while in the civil service for this it was necessary to rise to the rank of, for example, court councilor. A little later, the path to the noble class was opened thanks to orders and academic titles.
Military service was considered predominantly a noble service - civil service was not considered “noble”, it was called “clerical”, there were always many commoners in it, it was customary to shun it. The only exception was the diplomatic service, which was also considered “noble”. The preference for military service over civilian service had a fairly compelling reason. The table of ranks created a military-bureaucratic machine of public administration. The power of the state rested on two figures: the officer and the official. Although the word “official” comes from the Old Russian “chin”, which means “order,” the position in society of officials was such that they were considered a kind of bureaucratic fiction, because the word “rank” implied not real order, but paper, conditionally bureaucratic order. There was also another side to the life of an official, which determined his low social prestige. The confusion of laws and the general spirit of state arbitrariness clearly led to the fact that Russian culture of the 18th - early 19th centuries practically did not create images of an impartial judge, a fair administrator, etc. The Russian bureaucracy, being an important factor in state life, left almost no trace in the spiritual life of Russia: it did not create its own culture, nor its own ethics, nor even its own ideology. The nobility remained a service class, but the very concept of service became quite controversial. In it one can distinguish the struggle between state-statutory and family-corporate tendencies. The latter significantly complicated the structure of the real life of the noble class in the 18th - early 19th centuries and undermined the immobility of the bureaucratic world.
A personal nobleman enjoyed a number of class rights of the nobility: he was exempt from corporal punishment, capitation salary, and conscription. However, he could not participate in noble meetings and hold noble elected positions. As for the nobleman who had no rank at all, he was a kind of “outcast”, he was the last to receive horses at the inn, and in documents he generally signed himself as “a minor so-and-so.” Simultaneously with the distribution of ranks, there was a distribution of benefits and honors. The bureaucratic state has created a system of human relations that is completely incomprehensible to us now. The right to respect was distributed by rank. In real life, this was, first of all, manifested in the forms of addressing persons of different ranks in accordance with their class. The place of rank in the service hierarchy was associated with the receipt of many real privileges. According to rank, for example, horses were provided at post stations. According to ranks in the 18th century, servants carried dishes at dinner parties, and guests sitting at the “lower” end of the table often saw only empty plates. A. V. Romanovich-Slavatinsky noted in his work the exaggerated role of status in the value system of the nobleman, his greedy passion for honors, awards, and distinctions. The position of a nobleman in the hierarchy of the ruling class was determined by the rank and the method of obtaining it, that is, the quality of relations with the authorities. §2. Civil service The nobility is traditionally personified with land ownership, but even more so with service to the state, especially in the 18th centuries, when the class organization of the Russian Empire took its final form. Representatives of the ruling class, occupying key positions in the center and locally, made up a little more than 1/5 of the bureaucracy in the empire. The type of service that is the most numerous and widespread in all spheres of public life is civil or state. Officials formed the basis of the entire Russian state machine, very complex, cumbersome, incredibly bureaucratic. The civil service had its own “specialties”, headed by nine ministries. Service in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was considered the most prestigious; diplomats in public opinion were equated with military personnel. The rest of the departments were less honorable, but they had to serve somewhere, and the nobleman chose whether to go to the Ministry of Justice or Finance, Public Education or the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and so on. It should be noted that at all times, decent people considered service in the police and gendarmerie the lowest. The state supported the prestige of the police, but this had little success, and the most “lost” nobles joined the police, and more often people from other classes, where the concepts of honor and dignity were more vague than in the nobility. The need for police officers was not denied, but the best representatives of the nobility avoided communicating with them in private life. Unable to once again make state civil service strictly mandatory for the hereditary nobility, the government spent the entire first half of the 19th century. looked for options for attracting representatives of the “prime” class to the state apparatus. At the same time, the autocracy constantly had to find a compromise between the desire to maximally attract representatives of the nobility to all key positions, and the desire to make public administration effective, which was not possible without highly qualified professionals, who, however, were extremely few not only among the nobility, but also in the country as a whole. . Hoping to improve the qualifications of bureaucrats, at least through raising their educational level, the government, on the initiative of M.M. Speransky in 1809 introduced an educational qualification for obtaining the VIII class rank and, accordingly, for occupying positions in the crown administration, which presupposed the possession of such a class rank. Despite the fact that this decree was gradually nullified by other regulations that introduced more and more exceptions to this rule, the policy of stimulating education was continued. Data from epistolary sources indicate that civil service remained a significant sphere of public life, determining the needs and goals of the nobility. In the letters of 33 out of 45 authors, from 55 to 90% of the information is devoted to problems of military, civil or diplomatic service and career. The negative attitude of the local nobility towards the civil service created a constant shortage of managerial personnel. The state, considering the nobility as the support of the throne, tried to motivate nobles to occupy positions in the crown administration of benefits and career advantages. Without adequate success in this, it was forced to gradually open the way to representatives of other classes in the office of crown institutions. Conflicts between the leaders of the nobility and the governors of the second half of the 19th century indicate the continued hostility of the local nobility towards the bureaucrats. Conclusion So, the Russian nobility of the 18th century. had a complex hierarchical structure and was characterized by heterogeneity of composition. There was a nobility, personal and hereditary, clannish and distinguished, high-ranking and untitled, classified according to the categories of the Table of Ranks and those who did not serve, drowning in luxury and close in position to those of the same palace. The nobility was, of course, the ruling class, endowed with many granted rights. However, the question of their direct implementation in an autocratic state remains relevant. Legally confirmed membership in a “noble caste” did not guarantee a nobleman a comfortable existence, due to the fact that the benefits of a dominant position were taken advantage of, first of all, by the rapidly changing noble oligarchy. Belonging to the nobility means, first of all, the obligatory nature of certain rules of behavior, principles of honor, even the cut of clothing. People of the last third of the 17th century in Russia, with all the inevitable diversity of natures, were marked by one common feature - a striving for a special individual path, specific personal behavior. The worldview of a nobleman in the first half of the 19th century differs from the ideas of the aristocracy of the mid-18th century, primarily in its attitude to service. Service for a nobleman was no longer mandatory. Nevertheless, in the minds of the majority it remained such, justifying the privileges given to the upper class. In life, the determining role in an employee’s career was played by family ties and successful “politics” at the card table. The corporate pride of the noble class consisted of access to supreme power and proximity to the throne. The innate exclusivity inherent in the noble worldview, the nobles completely subordinate to the monarchical idea. The self-sufficient value of the loyal service of the official nobility and the awareness of each representative of the ruling class of personal dependence on the monarch were an obstacle to the development of corporate unity. The political infantilism of the nobility created the socio-psychological basis for a high degree of trust in the official ideology. The spiritual power of the autocracy over the personality of the nobleman, who left the solution of many social issues to the absolutist state, required adherence to a normative pattern of behavior and thought. Despite the fact that the Russian aristocracy adopted European coats of arms, titles, and class characteristics, many historians note that the Russian nobility did not possess the characteristics of a European ethnic group, they were mainly “servants of the throne” and had no idea about “aristocratic class dignity.” Within the framework of such an interpretation, the nobility in Russia was primarily a service class, while in Europe the nobility was based on honor and origin. Despite this, the nobility still appears before us as one of the most “European” phenomena in Russian history. List of sources and literature: 1. Griboyedov A.S. Woe from Wit: Comedy in 4 acts in verse / A.S. Griboyedov. ─ L.: Children's literature, 1979. ─ 166s. Pushkin A. S. Works. In 3 volumes. T. 2.Poems; Eugene Onegin; Dramatic works. - M.: Artist. Lit., 1986. ─ 527 p. Literature: Alexandrova N.V. War and military service in the life of a Russian nobleman in the 18th century. M.: AIRO-XX, 2001. 335 - 345 p. Anisimov E.V. Time of Peter's reforms. L.: Lenizdat, 1989. 490 p. Notes and memories of Russian women of the 18th - first half of the 19th centuries. - M.: Sovremennik, 1990. 538 p. Kirsanova R.M. Costume in Russian artistic culture of the 18th - 20th centuries, M., 1995. 386 p. Lotman Yu. M.. Conversations about Russian culture. Life and traditions of the Russian nobility (XVIII - early XIX centuries) St. Petersburg, 1994. 398 p. Marasinova E. N. Psychology of the elite of the Russian nobility of the last third of the 18th century. - M.: ROSSPEN, 1999.301 p. Porai-Koshits I. A. Essay on the history of the Russian nobility from the first half of the 9th century to the end of the 18th century 862-1796. St. Petersburg, Type. V.S. Balasheva. 1874. 256 p. Romanovich-Slavatinsky A. Nobility in Russia from the beginning of the 18th century to the abolition of serfdom. Kyiv: B. i., 1912. 594 p. Shokareva A. Noble family: culture of communication: Russian metropolitan nobility of the first half of the 19th century. - M.: New Literary Review, 2017. 300 p.
There were some contradictions in the foundation of the concept of service that was laid by Peter: service out of honor, and service as a state duty. As the independence of the nobility increased, it began to be burdened by the basic principles of Peter’s concept of service: its obligatory nature, and the opportunity for a non-nobleman to become a nobleman by service and rank. A certain sociocultural situation was created: the nobility was finally entrenched as the ruling class. Having won this position, the nobility sought to weaken its dependence on power, as well as on the principles of “regularity” and rank hierarchy.
Thus, at the beginning of the 17th century. Military service was primarily a difficult duty for the nobles, war was a necessity to protect the state from external enemies, and the authorities strictly demanded the performance of military service. The noble class, becoming the support of the state, received more and more honors and privileges, and also gradually realized itself as a single class.
Kalinina A.S.
The beginning of the 18th century was marked by the reforms of Peter I, which were designed to bridge the gap in the level of development of Russia and Europe. The reforms affected all spheres of society. The state needed secular culture. An important feature of modern culture has become its openness and ability to communicate with the cultures of other peoples. The era we are considering is a century of turning point. This is clearly visible in the history of the nobility, in their everyday life.
For several centuries, the nobility was the highest ruling class of the Russian state. In Russia, the nobility arose in the 12th century as the lowest part of the military service class. Under Peter I, the formation of the nobility was completed, which was replenished by people from other strata as a result of their advancement in public service.
The 18th century is a separate stage in the life of the Russian nobility, unlike either the previous 17th century or the subsequent 19th and 20th centuries. This is a time of fundamental changes in the nobility in connection with the reforms of Peter I. But at the same time, this is a time when the old way of life of people was still preserved in a strong form. All this together gives a very complex and unique character profile of an 18th century nobleman.
Relevance of the topic: Recently, there has been an increased interest of researchers in studying the microcosm of a person, his everyday life. The question of studying the realities of everyday life seems relevant. In the first quarter of the 18th century, through the efforts of Peter I, the great Russian Empire was born and the Europeanization of culture was carried out. And it is very interesting for me to trace how the life of the Russian nobility changed with the reforms of Peter I.
Among the fairly large amount of literature devoted to this topic, we need to highlight the most significant and important for us. First of all, among the pre-revolutionary works, it is necessary to note the works of S.M. Solovyova, V.O. Klyuchevsky, N.M. Karamzin.
The transformations of everyday life during the time of Peter I were deeply analyzed by S. M. Solovyov. He first noted that the transformation began in the second half of the 17th century. Having examined the prerequisites for transformations in the field of culture, S. M. Solovyov noted that they were formed primarily in the sphere of material culture, in the material world of man, “the Russian people, entering the field of European activity, naturally had to dress in European dress, because the question was not about the sign of the nationality, the question was: which family of nations should they belong to, European or Asian, and accordingly wear the sign of this family in their clothes.” And in Chapter 3, Volume 18 of his “History of Russia since Ancient Times,” he defends the correctness of the reforms of Peter I. “...bringing, through civilization, a people, weak, poor, almost unknown, onto the historical stage...”.
The famous historian V. O. Klyuchevsky, continuing the thought of S. M. Solovyov, notes that the transformations of life in the form in which they were carried out were caused not so much by necessity as by the expression of the subjective feelings and views of the tsar. “He hoped...through the nobility to introduce European science and enlightenment into Russia as a necessary condition...”. In turn, N.M. Karamzin noted: the main content of the reform was that “an ardent monarch with a heated imagination, having seen Europe, wanted to make Russia Holland.” “But this passion for customs that were new to us crossed the boundaries of prudence in him... Russian clothes and a beard did not interfere with the establishment of schools.”
And I agree, the reforms of Peter I are contradictory. The transformations took place by force and entailed enormous sacrifices. But on the other hand, for the first time after the baptism of Rus', Peter I made an energetic attempt to bring the country closer to European civilization. It “has become a great power with an efficient economy, a modern navy, and a highly developed culture. The progress was rapid and decisive."
It should be emphasized that the historiography describing the daily life of society in the first quarter of the 18th century is quite extensive. It is mainly devoted to the life and customs of the Peter the Great era in works of a historical and cultural orientation. The first attempt at a comprehensive description of Russian life was undertaken by A.V. Tereshchenko in the multi-volume monograph “Life of the Russian People” (Vol. 1-7. St. Petersburg, 1848).
E. I. Karnovich’s everyday essays “Historical Stories and Everyday Sketches” contain information about the procedure for holding Peter the Great’s assemblies, masquerades and balls.
It should also be noted the works of M. M. Bogoslovsky “Life and customs of the Russian nobility in the first half of the 18th century.”
Speaking about literature on this topic, it is necessary to say about works devoted to noble culture. This, of course, is the work of the Soviet literary critic and cultural critic Yu.M. Lotman. “Conversations about Russian culture. Life and traditions of the Russian nobility." The author notes that in the 18th century, belonging to the nobility meant “obligatory rules of conduct, principles of honor, even the cut of clothing.” And, touching on the problem of the emergence of the nobility as a class, the scientist says that the nobility of the 18th century was entirely the product of Peter’s reforms. The book immerses the reader in the world of everyday life of the Russian nobility of the 18th - early 19th centuries. We see people of a distant era in the nursery and in the ballroom, at the card table, we can examine in detail their hairstyle, the cut of their dress, their demeanor. At the same time, everyday life for the author is a historical-psychological category, a sign system, that is, a kind of text.
“The history of everyday life” is still one of the most pressing and actively developed problems in Russian historiography.
After the reforms of Peter I, fundamental changes took place in the country, in the life of a separate class - the nobility, which is radically different from the nobility of the 17th century. Therefore, the purpose of this work will be to show what the nobility was like after Peter’s reforms, its way of life in the 18th century.
To achieve this goal, the following tasks have been set: we will consider the everyday, moral and cultural life of the nobility, their upbringing and education, and the spiritual sphere of their life.
The chronological framework of the study covers the period of reforms of Peter I (1700-1725).
The territorial scope of the study is outlined by Moscow and St. Petersburg. This limitation of the study is explained by objective reasons: St. Petersburg in the first quarter of the 18th century was the center of cultural change. In most cases, all social events and official holidays were held in the northern capital. At the same time, Moscow remained the center of the Russian Empire and did not lose its political and cultural significance.
We will focus on the key moments of the daily life of the nobles - education, leisure, everyday life, clothing.
Education. Etiquette
The eighteenth century in Russia was marked by the reforms of Peter I. Russia began to climb the ladder of European culture, along which, in many ways, it was forcibly dragged by the unbridled and fierce will of Peter. The Tsar sought to introduce the Russian nation to enlightenment.
The formation of a new type of personality of a nobleman and noblewoman, which began earlier, continued, which was the result of borrowing European educational systems. During the time of Peter I, the creation of a secular school and noble education was an exclusively state matter.
In the 18th century, in the “normative” upbringing and education, Peter served as a guide; education became a necessary and obligatory part of the formation and foreign languages and good European manners. After the reforms, the formation of a new Russian nobleman.
The tsar was concerned about the external polish of the officers and officials, but he was well aware that the ability to behave in society, not slurp at the table, ... could neither build a fortress or a ship, nor successfully fulfill the role of a wheel in a clock mechanism, which meant the entire hierarchy of newly created institutions. This required knowledge and the ability to put this knowledge into practice.” For this purpose they were open primary schools, schools, textbooks began to be published, some nobles were sent to study abroad. Nobles were generally forbidden to marry without education.
In 1701, the Navigation School was created, on the basis of which the Naval Academy arose in 1715, and the Artillery Academy was founded. In 1712, the Engineering School began operating in Moscow; medical personnel were trained at the Medical School, opened in 1707. For the needs of the diplomatic service, a school for teaching foreign languages was opened at the Ambassadorial Prikaz. In 1721, a special school was established where students studied arithmetic, office work, the ability to compose business papers and letters, etc. Finally, in 1725, the Academy of Sciences opened.
There are two innovations in the field of education. One of them, the main one, is that the network of schools has expanded many times. It is important, however, that it was during the years of transformation that the beginning of vocational educational institutions was laid.
Another feature of enlightenment was that it acquired a secular character.
But young people must still be able to behave correctly in society. She must learn this not only in educational institutions and assemblies, but also by studying special instructions. One of them, under the obscure title “An Honest Mirror of Youth, or Indications for Everyday Conduct,” enjoyed especially wide popularity. Under Peter it was printed three times, which indicates a huge demand for it. The unknown compiler of this work used several foreign works, from which he translated those parts that he considered useful to the Russian reader.
“An Honest Mirror of Youth” set out the rules of behavior for young people in the family, at a party, in public places and at work. It instilled in young men modesty, hard work, and obedience. In the family it was necessary to “keep the father and mother in great honor”, “young youths should always speak foreign languages among themselves.” Interesting recommendations on how to behave in public places and at the table. “No one has to walk down the street with his head hanging and his eyes downcast, or look askance at people, but walk straight and without bending over.” Rules of behavior at the table: “Don’t let your hands lie on the plate for a long time, don’t shake your legs everywhere, when you drink, don’t wipe your lips with your hand, but with a towel.”
The last pages of “The Youth of the Honest Mirror” are dedicated to girls. The girl should have had much more of them: humility, hard work, mercy, modesty, fidelity, cleanliness. The girl's ability to blush was valued, which was a sign of moral purity. “In conversations, be able to listen, be polite...”
A network of schools promoted literacy. But not everyone could receive an education. It primarily covered in its network the children of nobles and clergy. The expansion of the network of schools and vocational educational institutions caused a flow of educational literature. Textbooks appeared on various branches of knowledge.
Clothes in the everyday life of nobles
The 18th century was marked by a revolution in the clothing of the nobility. The Russian nobility, in their European costume, showed old Russian traditions - a passion for jewelry, furs, and red heels. Baroque costumes created a festive atmosphere in everyday life.
The year 1700 became a kind of starting point on the path to the Europeanization of Russian clothing and life. The famous historian of the 19th century, Vladimir Mikhnevich, very accurately conveyed the flavor of the 18th century: “The wizard-director in one moment changes the stage and costumes beyond recognition and, as it were, takes us on a flying carpet from Asia to Europe, from the gloomy Kremlin chambers to the sparkling fashion and luxury of Versailles. A noisy, motley crowd of gilded, latest Parisian style, short kaftans and camisoles, magnificently swollen figs, curled, powdered wigs and dandy cocked hats bursts onto the historical stage... Isn’t this a dream?”
“Peter I considered it necessary to change the old concepts about dresses and beards: he started with himself. His example should have brought about a change between the nobles and all citizens, but almost everyone persisted.” So, in December 1700, in Moscow, to the beat of drums, a royal decree was announced on the abolition of the old-fashioned Russian dress “On the wearing of German dress and shoes by people of every rank.” Peter I set out to eradicate traditional clothing. Dresses of a new, European style were put on display near the Kremlin wall. It was ordered for men to wear Hungarian and German dress from December 1, 1700, and for wives and daughters from January 1, 1701, so that “they would be equal with them (husbands and fathers) in that dress, and not different.” As you can see, the female half of the urban population was given a slightly longer period to update their wardrobe. It was obvious that the new fashion was being accepted with great difficulty. In Moscow, they even selected kissers who stood at all the city gates and “at first took money from opponents of the decree, and also cut and tore their (old-fashioned) clothes. For wearing a long caftan there was a fine of 2 hryvnia. If a Muscovite could not pay the required amount, then he was forced to his knees and his caftan was cut flush with the ground.” “At the same time, it was ordered not to sell Russian clothes in shops and not to sew such clothes for tailors, for fear of punishment.” The change in clothing was combined with a change in everything appearance. In January 1705, the Decree “On shaving beards and mustaches of all ranks of people” followed.
Even among the nobility, new fashions at first caused discontent and resistance.
The transition to new clothes was not easy. Among the poor nobility, the transition to a new costume was difficult due to their financial status; it was not possible to change the entire wardrobe in a short time. General form costumes, transformed by the fashion of the new time, were as follows: men's clothing consisted of shoes, shirts, camisoles, caftans, short pants (culottes), and stockings. For a woman it was necessary to wear a corsage, fluffy skirts, and a swinging dress. To complete the impression, imagine heavily powdered hairstyles for women and wigs for men. Gradually, dressing richly, following the new fashion, began to be considered a sign of high dignity.
Everyday life in the Peter the Great era was strikingly different from the previous one. If earlier it was enough for a fashionista to dress in rich clothes and jewelry, now a new cut of dress required learning different manners and different behavior. Fashionistas had to not so much show off an expensive dress to the eyes of their contemporaries, but rather show their personal merits, their ability to bow gallantly, with dignity, stand elegantly, and carry on a conversation with ease.
The ladies found themselves in a more difficult position. They had to first overcome modesty - the dress exposed their neck and arms, and only then learn to move gracefully and learn languages.
The science of etiquette was difficult to comprehend; in 1716, the Hanoverian resident Christian Friedrich Weber wrote: “I have seen many women of amazing beauty, but they have not yet completely lost the habit of their old manners, because in the absence of a court (in Moscow) there is no strict supervision over this. The nobles dress in German, but put on their old clothes on top, and otherwise adhere to the old customs, for example, in greetings they still bow their heads low to the ground.” “In 1715, Peter the Great laughed at the old Russian outfits and organized a street masquerade in December. In which, from the most eminent person to the mere mortal, everyone was dressed in curious old dresses. So, among the ladies there was Baturlina in a fur coat and summer jacket; Prince-Abbess Rzhevskaya - in a fur coat and padded jacket... This is how the reformer of Russia laughed at the old outfits.”
Changing your dress is easier than breaking old habits. And if the Russian fashionista’s suit was in no way inferior in its elegance to European models, his manners left much to be desired. Weber said that women in dealing with strangers and foreigners “are still wild and capricious, as one famous German gentleman had to find out from his own experience. When... he wanted to kiss one girl’s hand and was rewarded for this with a full slap in the face.”
Over time, clothes of a new style became an integral part of most of the nobility.
Leisure
It is with the nobility that the true history of leisure begins. For a nobleman, almost all the time free from official affairs turned into leisure. The main forms of this leisure were originally borrowed in the 18th century. The Peter the Great era was marked by new traditions of spectacles. The most important innovation was fireworks. Masquerades were held either in the form of costumed processions or in the form of a demonstration of carnival costumes in a public place, and theatrical performances glorified the king.
The nobleman's day began very early. If he served, then he went to work, and if not, then for a walk. “The place for walking in St. Petersburg was Nevsky Prospekt, and in Moscow - Tverskoy Boulevard. There was music playing and crowds of people walking around. There were other places for walking in Moscow. Nobles often went to the Botanical Garden, founded by order of Peter I as the Apothecary Garden, to admire rare flowers, herbs, shrubs and trees.”
During walks, the nobles showed off their fashionable outfits, communicated and made social acquaintances. The walks continued until lunchtime.
Lunch was an important part of the daily routine. They either dined at home, but always with guests, or went to a dinner party themselves. They dined for a long time, in accordance with the traditions of noble etiquette, which were strictly observed. After lunch, there was certainly a rest, and then new entertainment awaited the nobleman.
The penetration of European culture into Russia radically changed the position of the noblewoman. “The nobles began to live in an open house; their spouses and daughters came out of their impenetrable chambers; balls and dinners united one sex with the other in noisy halls.” First, by force, and then of her own free will, she joined social life and mastered the corresponding skills of noble etiquette: she read books, took care of the toilet, learned foreign languages, mastered music, dancing, and the art of conversation. At the same time, she had a family with good traditions of the priority of values and the Christian faith. Children remained the main daily concern of the noblewoman of Peter the Great's time.
The daily life of the capital's noblewomen was predetermined by generally accepted norms. The capital's noblewomen, if funds allowed, tried to think less about the state of finances and the entire “home economy.” They were much more worried about the arrangement of their home, its readiness to receive guests, as well as the condition of their outfits, which had to correspond to the latest fashion trends. Even foreigners were struck by the Russian noblewomen “by the ease with which (they) spent money on clothes and home improvement.”
Petersburg demanded greater compliance with etiquette and time rules and daily routine; in Moscow, as V.N. Golovina noted, “the lifestyle (was) simple and unashamed, without the slightest etiquette,” the actual life of the city began “at 9 o’clock in the evening,” when all “the houses were open,” and “morning and afternoon it could (were) carried out in any way.”
Nevertheless, most noblewomen in the cities spent their mornings and afternoons “in public.” The city dweller’s morning began with makeup: “In the morning we blushed slightly so that our face wouldn’t be too red...” After the morning toilet and a fairly light breakfast (for example, “fruit, curdled milk”), it was time to think about the outfit: even on an ordinary day A noblewoman in the city could not afford negligence in clothes, shoes “without heels, lack of hairstyle, that other “young women”, having styled their hair for some long-awaited holiday, “were forced to sit and sleep until the day of departure, so as not to spoil their attire.” And although, according to the Englishwoman Lady Rondeau, Russian men of that time looked at “women only as funny and pretty toys that could entertain,” women themselves often subtly understood the possibilities and limits of their own power over them. Conversations remained the main means of exchanging information for 18th-century townswomen and filled up most of the day for many.
At the end of 1718, Peter I forcibly introduced new forms of leisure - assemblies. Assembly, the king explained in the decree, is a French word; it means a certain number of people gathered together either for their own amusement, or for reasoning and friendly conversations. The selected society was invited to the assemblies. They started at four or five o'clock in the afternoon and lasted until 10 in the evening. The hosts, who received guests for the assemblies, had to provide them with accommodation, as well as light refreshments: sweets, tobacco and pipes, drinks to quench their thirst. Special tables were set up for playing checkers and chess. By the way, Peter loved chess and played it excellently.
The Assembly is a place of relaxed meetings, where the elite of society underwent a school of secular education. But ease, genuine fun, the ability to conduct small talk or insert an appropriate remark, and, finally, dance were not achieved immediately. At the first balls of Peter the Great's time, depressing boredom reigned; they danced as if they were serving a most unpleasant duty. A contemporary copied the following assembly from life: “The ladies always sit separately from the men, so that not only is it impossible to talk to them, but it is almost impossible to say a word; when they’re not dancing, everyone sits like dumb people and just looks at each other.”
Gradually, the nobles learned manners and fashionable dances, and Peter's assemblies began to be a joy. There were two types of dances at the assemblies: ceremonial and English. “At first, only wind and percussion instruments could be heard at the assemblies: trumpets, bassoons and timpani, but in 1721 the Duke of Holstein brought a string orchestra with him to Russia.”
Most often, assemblies were held in winter months, less often - in summer. Sometimes the Tsar himself was the host of the assembly. Guests were invited to the Summer Garden or country residence - Peterhof.
Peter taught the rules of etiquette to the courtiers with the same zeal as he taught the officers the military articles. He drew up instructions that were to be followed in Peterhof. It is noteworthy as evidence of what elementary rules of behavior the king instilled in his courtiers: “Whoever is given a card with a bed number, then he can sleep here without having to endure the bed, give something lower to another, or take something from another bed.” Or an even more expressive point: “Do not lie down on the bed without taking off your shoes, boots or shoes.”
The Assembly is the most characteristic innovation, a kind of symbol of the era in the sense that it had no predecessors.
Code of Household Conduct
“In Peter’s time, important foundations were laid for the transformation of the noble family: the prohibition of forced marriage, allowing freedom of marriage choice, breaking the isolation of the Orthodox family by allowing marriages with foreigners, educating the bride and groom, raising the age of the young. Six weeks before the wedding, an engagement had to take place, after which the bride and groom could see each other freely, and if they did not like each other, they had the right to refuse the marriage.” Despite the preservation of traditional rituals, the wedding gradually turned into a European-style celebration with fashionable outfits, dancing and foreign travel. An innovation of this time was the divorce of noble families. At the heart of the family itself, which retained a largely patriarchal character, were duty and family harmony. The document that serves as legal protection for spouses is the marriage contract. An important phenomenon was the acquisition by a noblewoman of the exclusive right to a dowry. The noble family began to be built on new principles. In the family, the role of the woman who became a wife-friend has increased. The husband's power began to be more refined and enlightened.
For the first time, personal libraries and collections appeared in the houses of the nobility. Under the influence of European culture in the 18th century, aesthetic tastes and a new etiquette of communication among the Moscow nobility gradually formed. This process was accompanied by the development of self-awareness of the first estate, which was based on moral Orthodox guidelines. The ethical standards of Christianity largely influenced the moral principles of noble society. This was most clearly manifested in the charitable activities of the nobility - the creation of shelters, hospitals and other charitable institutions.
House. Culinary traditions
The 18th century passed in a tense struggle between the Russian chambers and the European house - the palace. The Peter the Great era was marked by the penetration of style, and palace houses began to be gradually built. The urban and rural estates of the nobles had a number of common features: the location of the residential building in the depths of the courtyard, the estate nature of the development, commitment to wood, enclosed estates and a regular park. European interiors of noble houses were decorated in red and lingonberry tones and with green tiled stoves according to the old Russian tradition. The hallmark of the noble mansion was the portico with columns and the cladding of wooden parts to look like stone. Landscape parks became one of the prerequisites for the development of the scientific interest of the nobility in natural branches of knowledge.
The dining culture of the aristocracy included French, English and German trends in dining. In general, “Russian exoticism” was a defining trend in the gastronomic tastes of the nobility. In the development of table culture, the Russian custom of table setting prevailed not only in Moscow, but it was recognized by the middle of the 19th century in Europe. The nobles for the most part turned dinners into theatrical performances, the roles of which were described by noble etiquette. So, the 18th century became for Russia the century of European cuisine. A large number of new dishes appeared that still exist today. From Western Europe, Russian people borrowed a more refined taste, table setting and the ability to beautifully eat prepared dishes.
Conclusion
The everyday culture of the nobility of the 18th century, during the reign of Peter I, is characterized by the clash and mixing in everyday life of two trends - traditional and European. This was a turning point, primarily in the field of changes in external, material factors in the everyday life of the nobility. A change in appearance was a kind of symbolic manifestation of the choice of one or another path of development of the country, an expression of commitment to a certain type of culture, but behind the external attributes there was usually an important internal content.
Thus, we see that the 18th century is a time when the nobleman, on the one hand, still possessed the traits of a truly Russian, deeply religious person, and on the other hand, the process of Europeanization began, inevitable after the turbulent era of Peter I, but at the same time not entirely understandable to the Russian to a person.
Summing up the results of my work, we can say that the 18th century is a time when a completely new noble class is being formed; in the Russian nobility we see a type of Russian person, not yet fully formed, but already completely new, who will never return to the past .
List of sources and literature
1. Georgieva T.S. History of Russian culture.-M.: Yurayt.-1998.-576 p.
2.Zakharova O.Yu. Secular ceremonies in Russia in the 18th and early 20th centuries..-M.: JSC Tsentropolygraf.-2003-329p.
3. History of Russia in questions and answers./Ed. V.A. Dines, A.A. Vorotnikova. - Saratov. - Publishing center of SGSEU. - 2000. - 384 p.
4. Karamzin M.K. History of Russian Goverment. T.11-12.- St. Petersburg: Printing house of Eduard Pratz.- 1853.-425p.
5. Karamzin N.M. History of the Russian State: 12 volumes in 4 volumes, volume 4.t.10-12.-M.: RIPOL CLASSIC.-1997.-736 pp.
6.Kirsanova R.M. Russian costume and life of the 18th-19th centuries.//Culturology.-2007.-No.4.-P.152
7. Klyuchevsky V.O. Russian history course. part 4. - M.: Partnership of Printing House A.I. Mamontova.-1910.- 481 p.
8. Klyuchevsky V.O. Op. in 9 volumes, volume 4. Course of Russian history.- M.: Mysl.-1989.-398 p.
9. Korotkova M.V. A journey into the history of Russian life. - M.: Bustard. - 2006. - 252 p.
10. Lotman Yu. M. Conversations about Russian culture. Life and traditions of the Russian nobility. - M.: Art. - 1999.-415 p.
11. Pavlenko N.I. Peter the Great and his time.-M.: Enlightenment.-1989.-175 p.
12. Politkovskaya E.V. How they dressed in Moscow and its environs in the 16th-18th centuries. - M.: Nauka. - 2004. - 176 p.
13. Pushkareva N.L. The private life of a Russian woman: bride, wife, mistress (10th - early 19th centuries). - M.: Ladomir. - 1997. - 381 p.
14. Pylyaev M.I. Old life. - St. Petersburg: Printing house A.S. Suvorin.- 1892.-318 p.
15. Suslina E.N. Everyday life of Russian dandies and fashionistas.-M.: Mol.guard.-2003.-381 p.
16. Tereshchenko A.V. Life of the Russian people. Part 1. -M.: Russian book.-1997.-288 p.
Lecture LXV111, Solovyov’s judgments//Klyuchevsky V.O. Russian history course.. part 4. M., 1910. P. 270
Klyuchevsky V.O. Op. in 9 volumes, volume 4. Russian history course. M., 1989. P. 203
Karamzin N.M. History of the Russian State: 12 volumes in 4 volumes, volume 4.t. 10-12. M., 1997. P.502
History of Russia in questions and answers./Ed. V.A.Dines, A.A.Vorotnikov. Saratov, 2000. P. 45
Lotman Yu. M. Conversations about Russian culture. Life and traditions of the Russian nobility. M., 1999. P. 6
Pavlenko N.I. Peter the Great and his time. M., 1989. P. 158
Tereshchenko A.V. Life of the Russian people. Part 1. M., 1997.S. 206
Kirsanova R.M. Russian costume and life of the 18th-19th centuries//Culturology. 2007. No. 4. P. 152
Politkovskaya E.V. How they dressed in Moscow and its environs in the 16th-18th centuries. M., 2004. P. 144
Politkovskaya E.V. How they dressed in Moscow and its environs in the 16th-18th centuries. M., 2004. P. 144
Pylyaev M.I. Old life. St. Petersburg, 1892. P. 62
Zakharova O.Yu. Secular ceremonies in Russia in the 18th and early 20th centuries. M., 2003. P. 182
Suslina E.N. Daily life of Russian dandies and fashionistas. M., 2003. P. 153
Pylyaev M.I. Old life. St. Petersburg, 1892. P. 63
Suslina E.N. Daily life of Russian dandies and fashionistas. M., 2003. P. 152
Korotkova M.V. A journey into the history of Russian life. M., 2006. P. 181
Karamzin M.K. History of Russian Goverment. T.11-12.SPb., 1853. P. 419
Pushkareva N.L. The private life of a Russian woman: bride, wife, mistress (10th - early 19th century). M., 1997. P.226
Ibid S. 227
Pushkareva N.L. The private life of a Russian woman: bride, wife, mistress (10th - early 19th century). M., 1997. P.227
Korotkova M.V. A journey into the history of Russian life. M., 2006. P. 188
Pavlenko N.I. Peter the Great and his time. M., 1989. P. 156
Georgieva T.S. History of Russian culture. M., 1998. P. 155
Funds used to implement the project state support allocated as a grant in accordance with the order of the President of the Russian Federation No. 11-rp dated January 17, 2014 and on the basis of a competition held by the All-Russian public organization"Russian Youth Union"
