Family
Grigory Yavlinsky was born on April 10, 1952 in the Ukrainian city of Lvov. His father, Aleksey Yavlinsky (born 1919), lost his parents during the Civil War, grew up in a labor colony near the village of Kovalevka, Poltava Region, and went to the front in 1942. The battery under his command was the first to enter the Czech city of Olomouc. For front-line exploits, Father Gregory was awarded the Order of the Red Star, the medal "For Military Merit" and the Order of the Patriotic War II degree. 
In 1947 Alexey met his future wife Vera Naumovna (born 1924). She was a native of Kharkov, during the war years she lived in evacuation in Tashkent, after the end of the war she moved to Lvov. The wedding took place a month after they met. The couple remained in Lvov: Aleksey graduated from the history department of the local pedagogical university, then the higher school of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, worked with homeless children; Vera graduated from the Faculty of Chemistry of Lviv University and began teaching chemistry at the Forestry Technical University.
The family did not live well, but the parents did their best to give Grigory and his 5-year-old younger brother Mikhail all the best. And if new toys and clothes appeared in the house infrequently, and Grisha saw many fruits only in the picture, then the brothers could always count on quality education and recreation during the holidays.
As a result, Grigory studied for one five (four in his report card was one - according to Ukrainian language), spent a lot of time reading Russian classics, from the age of 6 he began to study English. Yavlinsky was also distinguished by his ability to music - as a child he played the piano. In the first grade, Grisha went to Lviv School No. 3, later he transferred to a special school with in-depth study of the English language.
Youth years
Gregory grew up as a rather thin and shy young man. To overcome the complexes, in 1964 he enrolled in the boxing section and quickly proved himself to be a promising athlete. Coaches noted his iron will, the absence of the slightest self-pity. In 1967 and 1968, Yavlinsky won the 2nd welterweight title among junior boxers. After that, the question arose before the guy: punch the way to professional boxing with gloves or tie it up. He chose the second, by that time he was seriously carried away by the economy. 
As the politician himself noted, the starting point was an episode from childhood. He walked down the street, clutching in his hand 6 rubles, which his mother gave him for a soccer ball. In the sports shop it turned out that the ball costs 8 rubles 30 kopecks. The frustrated boy began to rack his brains: why exactly 8.30? And why does a bicycle cost 27 rubles, and a loaf costs 12 kopecks? Who sets prices for things?
Later I learned that the question of price in all economic theories and systems is the most important one. And the one who knows the answer to it becomes either a great scientist or a great financier.
. The purposeful young man was set on fire with the idea of entering the Plekhanov Moscow Institute of National Economy - the famous Pleshka, where a resident of the province had nothing to even think of entering without money and connections. 
Grigory graduated from grade 10 at an evening school for working youth: he himself claimed that the family needed money, his critics believe that the passing score for university applicants for applicants with work experience was lower. There was also a version that Yavlinsky was forced to leave the secondary school because of the scandal - allegedly he was used to solving conflicts not with words, but with his fists. One way or another, he got a job as an electrician at a local glass factory, and in 1969 he entered the Faculty of Labor Economics of the Institute. Plekhanov.
student body
The young man did not feel like a provincial, he easily joined the team of Moscow youth. Studying was given to Grigory effortlessly, because he had a good knowledge base in economic disciplines. But alcohol and tobacco, even in his free student years, were not included in the list of his interests.Among the best students, Gregory visited Czechoslovakia, although the trip had adverse consequences. Together with the group, he went to the bathhouse, where a scandal broke out between him and the Komsomol organizer: Grisha argued that, given the amount of blood shed for socialism, Soviet people deserve a much more worthy life, the opponent replied: “Socialism could be put a hundred times more people". The student defended his position not only with his fists, but also with a basin for washing. The Komsomol organizer remained alive, but scribbled complaints to all possible authorities. Paradoxically, the story ended with a recommendation to include Yavlinsky in the ranks of the CPSU.
Together with classmates, Yavlinsky was engaged in "samizdat" - illegally published the student newspaper "We". However, an affair with classmate Elena stopped him from immersing himself in the political environment. In 1973, Grigory graduated from the university with honors and continued his education in graduate school. The topic of his Ph.D. thesis, which he successfully defended in 1976, was "Improving the division of labor of workers in the chemical industry."
Labor activity
After graduating from graduate school, Yavlinsky began climbing the career ladder from the position of senior engineer at the All-Union Research Institute of Coal Industry Management (then he was promoted to senior researcher). His duties were to compile manuals with instructions for each position, from an ordinary miner to a mine manager. 
In those years, Yavlinsky had to travel a lot around the country. He visited all the mining towns, and everywhere he saw the same picture: empty shelves in stores, lack of comfortable housing, transport, complete disregard for labor standards, dirt and devastation all around. Since then, the question “How to make people live and work normally?” stuck firmly in his head.
Once a young specialist, along with colleagues, fell under the rubble and stood for 10 hours waist-deep in ice water. They were rescued, but of the five people, three died in the hospital.
In the early 80s, Yavlinsky moved to the Research Institute of Labor of the State Committee for Labor and Social Affairs, and was the head of the heavy industry sector. For two years he studied ways to improve the economic mechanism in the country, and in 1982 he sent out a report to fellow scientists summarizing the results of his work. The conclusion was this: we must either return to Stalin's times, or provide industry with economic freedom.Three days after the mailing, Yavlinsky was called to the carpet to the investigator. Visits with questions continued every day, from May to November. November 10 - the day of Brezhnev's death - the investigator said: "You can no longer come." But the misadventures did not end there: medical checkup suddenly revealed acute tuberculosis in Yavlinsky. Despite certificates from other doctors proving that he was healthy, Grigory was sent to a dispensary (according to the recollections of his acquaintances, the conditions there were comparable to prison ones) for 9 months, and in his absence, someone entered his apartment and burned all scientific developments .
After his release, Yavlinsky continued to work for the State Committee for Labor. Over the next five years, he "grew" to the position of head of the department of social development and population. In August 1989, Leonid Abalkin, who taught with Grigory at the Plekhanov Institute, and had just been elected deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers, invited Yavlinsky to his commission dealing with economic reforms.
Economic reforms
The 500 Days Program (originally called 400 Days of Trust) was developed by Yavlinsky, Mikhail Zadornov and Alexei Mikhailov and provided for the speedy transfer of the country's economy to a market economy. Boris Yeltsin (at that time Chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR) got acquainted with the document, and instructed to create a working group for the further development of the program.In July 1990, Yavlinsky was appointed Deputy Prime Minister and head of the state commission for economic reforms.
Grigory Yavlinsky: Briefly about the 500 Days Program
On September 1, 1990, the program was presented to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. However, due to disagreements with Nikolai Ryzhkov, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR, who was working on an alternative economic reform program, Grigory Yavlinsky resigned. Together with like-minded people, he created the EPIcenter Center for Economic and Political Research and became its permanent chairman.
In 1991, Yavlinsky continued to cooperate with the authorities: he dealt with macroeconomic issues at the request of Mikhail Gorbachev, his candidacy was considered by Yeltsin for the post of prime minister, but the choice fell on Yegor Gaidar. When Yeltsin signed the Belovezhskaya Pact in December 1991, which severed political and economic relations with the former Soviet republics, Yavlinsky left the government in protest.
EPIcenter continued to develop an alternative to Gaidar's reforms. In particular, Yavlinsky proposed to eliminate the huge cash overhang (money that has settled in the hands of citizens due to the lack of ways to spend it) through the privatization of small private property.
In May 1992, Yavlinsky piloted a regional economic reform program in the Nizhny Novgorod region. At the same time, he joined the editorial board of Novaya Daily Gazeta (future Novaya Gazeta).
In 1993, the economist set about creating a privatization program in Moscow. He proposed to carry out the privatization of state property through auctions: it was proposed to give 10% of the proceeds to the city budget, and 90% to be used for the development of the enterprise being bought out. The management of the repurchased enterprise would be carried out under a contract, and in the event of the failure of the investor, Moscow would have to declare the enterprise bankrupt, appoint a new manager and, after reorganization, put it up for auction again. The main principles that Yavlinsky adhered to in his program were healthy competition, a strict system of antitrust measures and the protection of private property. In 1995, the Moscow government accepted Yavlinsky's program, but reworked the author's version beyond recognition.
Party "Yabloko"
During the political crisis of 1993, Yavlinsky called on the president and parliament to compromise, but then abandoned this idea and condemned the armed rebellion.Grigory Yavlinsky during the 1991 coup
In the fall, Grigory Yavlinsky announced the creation of the Yabloko electoral bloc, which stood apart from both the Democrats and the Communists. As stated in the faction's manifesto, they advocated democratic values but were critical of the way the government achieved them.
Members of the party, whose leadership also included Yuri Boldyrev and Vladimir Lukin ("Yabloko" - an abbreviation of the names Yavlinsky, Boldyrev, Lukin), took an active part in the development of new economic laws of the country, participated in the investigation of the events of October 1993.
Yabloko members presented their electoral program "There is another way of development." The paper covered the following issues:
- There are no institutions of rights and freedoms in the country, citizens are not involved in political life, the threat of turning into a country of "failed democracy" is high.
- Monopolies must be destroyed immediately, the country must create conditions for the development of competition and start land reform.
- In the field of social policy, emphasis should be placed on preschool medicine and secondary education.
- In order to create a federal state and eliminate separatist sentiments, it is important to pay attention to the development of the system of local governments.
- The main thesis of the party is not to lie to voters.
The faction put at the forefront:
- The maximum approximation of Russian legislation to the European one with the hope of joining the European Union within two decades.
- Put the Russian economy on the rails of liberalism (simple economic legislation, low taxes, open competition), which was supposed to give impetus to the development of small and medium-sized businesses.
- To transform Russia into a democratic law-based state that respects all the constitutional rights and freedoms of an ordinary citizen.
Yavlinsky actively expressed his position on the situation in Chechnya: he advocated the withdrawal of Russian troops from Chechnya and allowing the inhabitants of the republic to independently determine their future fate. During the Second Chechen campaign, Grigory Yavlinsky once again expressed himself against the conduct of hostilities.
Grigory Yavlinsky talks about his program (1995)
During the hostage-taking at the Dubrovka Theater Center (“Nord-Ost”) in 2002, Yavlinsky was among the few politicians with whom the terrorists were ready to negotiate - the reason for this was his critical attitude in the military campaign in Chechnya. Yavlinsky managed to get eight children out of the captured center.
In 2008, Yavlinsky ceased to be the head of Yabloko - his place was taken by the head of the Moscow branch of the party, Sergei Mitrokhin. However, Yavlinsky is still on the political committee of the party.
Presidential elections
In 1996, Grigory Yavlinsky ran for president for the first time. The elections were presented to the Russians as a battle between the “democrat” Yeltsin and the “communist” Zyuganov. Yavlinsky acted as a "third force". The slogan under which the leader of "Yabloko" went to the polls sounded like "Choose normal person". Later, General Alexander Lebed and ophthalmologist Stanislav Fedorov appeared on the list of candidates. 
Yavlinsky's election video, full version
When in 1999 Yeltsin named the candidacy of the prime minister - Vladimir Putin - it was discussed at a meeting of the State Duma. Yavlinsky spoke out against it - the politician believed that a native of the KGB had no place in power. Inside Yabloko, the votes were divided: 40% voted for Putin's candidacy, 17% against, the rest either did not vote or abstained. Yavlinsky himself voted in favor of Vladimir Vladimirovich, asking permission from the other members of the faction.
On December 31, 1999, Yeltsin announced his resignation, and Vladimir Putin became acting president. On January 19, Yavlinsky was nominated for the presidency. The slogan of the second campaign of Gregory: "For Russia without dictators and oligarchs." The politician outlined his ideas in the work “Breakthrough Strategy”.
From the first days of the election race, Yavlinsky refused to cooperate with Putin. The Yabloko leader accused him of unleashing a war in Chechnya, infringing on the free press, and risking the creation of a brutal authoritarian regime. “Putin is a sovereign, I am a liberal and a democrat,” the politician noted. According to the results of the elections on March 26, 2000, Yavlinsky took third place with 5.8% of the vote. Vladimir Putin scored 50.94% and won.
In 2011, in the elections to the State Duma of the VI convocation, Yavlinsky headed the lists of the Yabloko party. According to the voting results, the faction received 3.34% of the votes, while Yavlinsky noted that about 20% of voters voted for Yabloko. Yabloko observers revealed numerous violations at polling stations, which became one of the reasons for thousands of rallies throughout Russia. The people who took to the streets demanded that the “Putin group” be removed from power.
In December 2011, Yavlinsky was nominated as a presidential candidate during the Yabloko congress. The politician called on like-minded people for a legal and non-violent change of power, advocated the organization of new, fair parliamentary elections, the reform of the judiciary, the restoration of elective governorship, and the elimination of total control over the press.
During the period of registration of candidates for the presidential elections, the CEC refused Yavlinsky: out of 2.08 million signatures, 1.93 million were recognized as reliable. The percentage of falsified or unconfirmed signatures was 2.74% (with an allowed 5% threshold), but the decision of the CEC was final. Yavlinsky called this event politically conditioned; Among the protesters on Bolotnaya Square on February 4, 2012, there were many who demanded the reinstatement of Yavlinsky as a candidate.
Grigory Yavlinsky in the studio of Vladimir Pozner (November 2017)
Personal life of Grigory Yavlinsky
Elena Anatolyevna Smotryaeva (b. 1951), according to information from open sources, worked as a laboratory assistant at the Plekhanov Institute, where she met her future husband. 
In 1971, their son Mikhail was born (a theoretical physicist by education, a graduate of Moscow State University, works as a journalist at the BBC). In 1981, the youngest son Alexei was born (a programmer, a specialist in the field of Big Data).
In the spring of 1996, when a prominent Russian politician participated in the presidential campaign that was gaining momentum, a terrible misfortune befell the family. The criminals, whose identity was subsequently never established, kidnapped Mikhail Yavlinsky. The kidnappers got in touch, giving Yavlinsky Sr. a harsh ultimatum: a political career or his son's life. Severed phalanges of fingers were attached to the letter ...
Grigory Yavlinsky about sons
After this threat, the criminals immediately released the young man to freedom. The surgeons managed to restore the hand (although Mikhail could no longer play his favorite piano), but for security reasons, the sons of Grigory Yavlinsky moved to the UK.
Grigory Yavlinsky now
In 2018, Grigory Yavlinsky put forward his candidacy for the presidential elections. Voters were presented with the Road to the Future program, the points of which can be summarized as follows:- End the conflict with Ukraine by recognizing the illegality of Russia's annexation of Crimea, withdrawing Russian troops from the Donbass, and ceasing to cultivate hatred of Ukraine in the state media.
- Gradually withdraw troops from Syria.
- Establish diplomatic relations with Europe and the United States and not interfere in the political life of other countries.
- To begin the "sanation" of internal political and social life.
- Introduce a package of economic reforms aimed at supporting private property, small and medium-sized businesses, and providing citizens with income from the export of natural resources.
In addition to Grigory Yavlinsky, Pavel Grudinin (a candidate from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation instead of Gennady Zyuganov), Ksenia Sobchak (“a candidate against all”), Vladimir Zhirinovsky (LDPR), Alexei Navalny (the CEC refused to register his candidacy because of the “case Kirovles).
Chairman of the Federal Political Committee of the Russian United Democratic Party "YABLOKO". Doctor of Economics, Professor, National Research University Higher School of Economics
Born on April 10, 1952 in Lvov. Father - a participant in the Great Patriotic War, head of a children's reception center for homeless children, mother - a chemistry teacher at the institute.
He graduated from an evening school for working youth, working as a mechanic at a glass company. In his youth he was engaged in boxing, two-time boxing champion of the Ukrainian SSR among juniors (1967, 1968).
1973. Graduated with honors from the Plekhanov Moscow Institute of National Economy 1976 g. - postgraduate study.
With 1976 - work at the All-Union Scientific Research Institute of Management under the Ministry of the Coal Industry of the USSR. Work in Kemerovo, Novokuznetsk, Chelyabinsk and other cities.
With 1980 Mr. - head of the heavy industry sector at the Research Institute of Labor of the State Committee for Labor and Social Affairs. With 1984 Mr. - Deputy Head of the Consolidated Department, then Head of the Department of Social Development and Population.
1989. Head of the Consolidated Economic Department of the Council of Ministers of the USSR.
1990. Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR, Chairman of the State Commission for Economic Reform. In this position, he is preparing a program for the transformation of the Soviet economy into a market one (“500 days”) and a package of laws for its implementation. The program was approved by the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, the Supreme Soviets of a number of Union republics; it was supported by most of the leaders of the republics. However, by the fall of 1991, the Union and Russian governments abandoned their obligations to implement it. Disagreeing with the change in economic course, Yavlinsky resigned.
1991. Development of a program for the integration of the Soviet economy into the world economic system - "Consent for a Chance". After the August coup, he was appointed Deputy Chairman of the Committee for the Operational Management of the National Economy of the USSR with the rank of Deputy Prime Minister. In this position, in order to maintain a single economic space and ties with the union republics, he prepared the "Treaty on the Economic Community of the Republics of the USSR" and 26 annexes to it. The treaty was approved by the heads of 11 republics of the USSR and ratified by Russia. As a result of the Belovezhskaya Accords, which put an end to the USSR, the treaty was not implemented. Yavlinsky left the government.
With 1992 Mr. - Chairman of the Board of the Center for Economic and Political Research (EPI-Center). Under his leadership, comprehensive proposals are being prepared as a socially oriented alternative to the ongoing economic reforms of Yegor Gaidar.
1992. Develops a program for market reforms in the Nizhny Novgorod region ("Nizhny Novgorod Prologue") commissioned by Governor Boris Nemtsov, which was implemented and gave positive results.
1993. Creates an electoral bloc "Yavlinsky - Boldyrev - Lukin" to participate in elections to the State Duma of the 1st convocation. The co-founders of the block were the former chief state inspector of Russia Yuri Boldyrev and a scientist and diplomat, former ambassador Russia in the USA Vladimir Lukin. According to the first letters of the names of the founders, the block was named by journalists "Yabloko". The bloc included several political parties: the Republican, Social Democratic and Russian Christian Democratic Union - New Democracy. In its program, the new bloc dissociated itself both from the "democrats" in power and from the communists.
With 1995 - the leader of the public all-Russian political Association "YABLOKO", which in 2001 was transformed into political party. AT 2001-2008 gg. - Chairman of the Russian United Democratic Party "YABLOKO". With 2008 d. - Member of the Federal Political Committee of the Party, since 2015 Mr. - Chairman of the Federal Political Committee.
1994-2003 . Leads the YABLOKO faction in the State Duma. He confirmed his deputy powers three times. The faction, in particular, achieved the adoption of the law "On streamlining the remuneration of employees of public sector organizations", which ensured an increase in the salaries of state employees, as well as a law on the mandatory publication of declarations on income and property of government members. YABLOKO initiated a gradual transition to a contract army and the introduction of a flat taxation scale and the establishment of the lowest rate in Europe income tax, which led to an increase in budget revenues and contributed to the emergence of the economy from the shadows.
Declaring itself a faction of constructive opposition, YABLOKO repeatedly criticized the laws submitted to the Duma, in particular the budgets of 1996-2000. Since 2000, the deputies of the faction, under the leadership of Yavlinsky, have been developing alternative draft state budgets. The state priorities identified in the faction's alternative budgets: strengthening the country's defense capability, developing education, conducting judicial and military reforms, were supported by financial justifications and calculations. The faction's proposals for additional budget revenues were used by the Russian government in draft budgets for 2001-2003.
1994. He harshly criticizes the war in Chechnya. Together with his colleagues at Yabloko, he travels to Grozny to negotiate with Dzhokhar Dudayev, offering himself as a hostage in exchange for captured Russian soldiers who were refused by the country's leadership. The result was the release of half of the captured soldiers and the return of the bodies of the dead soldiers. AT 1999 -m "Yabloko" opposed the start of the second Chechen campaign with the use of bomber aircraft.
1996. Participates in presidential elections as a "third force" - an alternative to Boris Yeltsin and communist Gennady Zyuganov. Takes fourth place.
1998. In the midst of an acute crisis in the country and a conflict between President Yeltsin and the State Duma, he proposes a compromise figure for the post of prime minister - Yevgeny Primakov.
1999. Together with the Yabloko faction in the State Duma, he votes for the impeachment of President Yeltsin.
2000. Participates in presidential elections. The election campaign was held under the slogan "For Russia without dictators and oligarchs." During the campaign, he spoke about the risk of creating a hard regime in Russia based on the legacy that Boris Yeltsin left behind. Took third place.
2001. Becomes one of the leaders of the campaign in defense of the "old NTV" and freedom of speech in Russia.
2002. I went to the Theater Center on Dubrovka to negotiate with the terrorists who had captured the audience of the musical Nord-Ost. After negotiations with Yavlinsky, the terrorists released the eight smallest children.
2003. Developed a "Roadmap of Russian reforms" - a plan for dismantling the oligarchic system and overcoming the consequences of criminal privatization. In particular, the plan envisaged the introduction of a one-time compensatory tax (Windfall Tax) on excess profits received as a result of loans-for-shares auctions.
With 2005 Mr. - Professor of the National Research University "Higher School of Economics" (Moscow). Defended at the Central Economics and Mathematics Institute Russian Academy sciences dissertation for the scientific degree of doctor of economic sciences.
2009. At the time of the next economic crisis, he proposes the strategy "Houses - Land - Roads", which involves the gratuitous transfer of land to citizens for the construction of their own houses and the obligation of the state to provide this housing with infrastructure.
2011-2012. The Yabloko party participated in all major protests that took place in the country after large-scale fraud in the elections to the State Duma. Yavlinsky became the only leader of the protest movement to run for president in 2012. He was not registered for political reasons.
2011-2016. Deputy, leader of the Yabloko faction in the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg. Prepared the conceptual strategy “Greater Petersburg. XXI century”, which combines economic, spatial and temporal approaches to the development of the agglomeration of St. Petersburg and the Leningrad region.
2014. He opposes the annexation of Crimea and the war in Donbass. Proposed to hold international conference on the peaceful settlement of the Russian-Ukrainian crisis. During the 2018 presidential election campaign, he presented a plan for resolving the situation in eastern Ukraine.
2017. Elected Honorary Vice-President of the Liberal International - political organization uniting liberal parties around the world.
2018. Participates in the presidential elections in Russia. He advocated curtailing military adventures (Syria, Ukraine) and channeling resources into the country's economy and social sphere, resolving the Crimean problem and normalizing relations with Europe and the world. He demanded the federalization of the budget, the return of direct elections of governors and mayors. He insisted on the creation of a broad middle class (the program "Houses - Land - Roads", personal savings accounts, the abolition of taxes for the poorest segments of the population, etc.).
After the elections, he announced the need to form a truly mass civil party on the basis of Yabloko, which, in the conditions of an impending internal political crisis and the transit of power, would be able to keep the country from disaster and set a positive direction for the development of the state.
Married, two adult sons, the eldest - graduated from the Faculty of Physics of Moscow State University. Lomonosov, journalist; junior - programmer, research engineer in the field of big data processing, Ph.D.
An extended biography of Grigory Yavlinsky can be found
Grigory Alekseevich Yavlinsky
Biography. Details.
http://www.yavlinsky.ru/dossier/biography/index.phtml
"Combination of knowledge
Eloquence And Valor"
W. Shakespeare "Hamlet"
Surname
According to family legend, the surname came from the name of the Epiphany Cathedral in Moscow (Elokhovskaya Church), in which one of the ancestors of Grigory Yavlinsky served. The "cousin" branch of the family bears the surname Yavlensky.
Family
Father - Alexei Grigorievich Yavlinsky.
The exact date of birth is unknown. The year 1919 is indicated in the passport, but the brothers of Alexei Grigorievich said that he could have been born in 1912 or 1917. An open date of birth is not uncommon for that time: wars, revolutions. Aleksey, like many children then, was left without parents, he was homeless - the older brothers themselves were small and could not feed the younger ones.
In the early 1930s, Aleksey Yavlinsky was brought up in the commune-colony of Anton Semenovich Makarenko named after Dzerzhinsky in Kharkov. The famous teacher doubted that Alexei would be a good judge: as he said, he was "too freedom-loving and spoiled."
In 1937-38, when almost all the boys dreamed of becoming pilots or tankers, Aleksey Grigorievich entered the Bataysky flight school to study. But the character made itself felt: for participating in a fight that lasted several days, Alexei was expelled from the school.
In 1939 he was drafted into the army (he served in Andijan in Central Asia).
Alexei Grigorievich ended up in the active army in February 1942 - he got on North Caucasus to artillery troops. Soon he became the battery commander of the artillery regiment of the 333rd Guards Mountain Rifle Order of the Red Banner of the Turkestan Division.
As part of the 52nd Separate Primorsky Army, he participated in the Kerch landing, liberated the Crimea, Ukraine, and Czechoslovakia. A street in the Czech city of Olomouc was named in his honor - the battery of Alexei Grigorievich was the first to enter the city liberated from German troops. He finished the war in the Tatras (Czechoslovakia) as a senior lieutenant.
He was awarded military awards: the Order of the Patriotic War of the 2nd degree and the Order of the Red Star, the medal "For Military Merit".
After the war, Alexei Grigorievich married in 1947 and settled in Lvov, graduated in absentia from the Faculty of History of the Lvov Pedagogical Institute and the Higher School of the Ministry of Internal Affairs.
In 1947-61 he worked as an educator, senior educator, head of a children's labor educational colony. In 1961, he was appointed head of the Children's Reception Center for homeless children. It seems that he turned out to be the only pupil of Makarenko who literally followed the teacher's example: he was engaged not just in raising children, but in homeless children and the so-called "difficult" teenagers.
In 1980, by decision of the Central Committee of Ukraine, children's institutions were transferred to the system of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The teachers, whom Yavlinsky Sr. carefully collected, were replaced by soldiers with machine guns, VOKhRA. Alexei Grigorievich was categorically against such changes. After another "hot" conversation with the Minister of Internal Affairs of Ukraine he died of a heart attack (August 27, 1981).
The significance of Alexei Grigorievich for Grigory Yavlinsky can be read in detail in the collection of his interviews "Several Interviews on Personal Issues".
Mother GA - Vera Naumovna, was born in 1924 in Kharkov. Immediately after the war, her family moved to Lvov from Tashkent, where she lived in evacuation. Vera Naumovna graduated with honors from the Faculty of Chemistry of Lviv University and taught chemistry at the Forestry Engineering Institute all her life.
GA's parents are buried in Lvov.
Father's brothers: Mikhail Grigorievich - pilot, died during the war. Semyon Grigoryevich realized another boyish dream - he became a scout. At the end of his life he taught English language at a Moscow university. During the war, Leonid Grigoryevich worked as a driver, in particular, on the Road of Life, passing through the ice of Lake Ladoga, keeping in touch with the dying besieged Leningrad. After the war, he worked in a shoe factory.
Second cousin - Natan Yavlinsky (1912-1962), one of the creators of "Tokamak" - a plasma installation for a controlled thermonuclear fusion reaction. "Tokamak" is used in industrial and military developments. Crashed in a plane crash.
Lviv - Moscow
Grigory Yavlinsky was born on April 10, 1952 in Ukraine, in Lvov. Five years later, his brother Mikhail was born.
“We didn’t live in poverty, but buying a toy was an event. Or if you tear your pants. I just didn’t know what pineapples, bananas, tangerine oranges were,” Grigory Alekseevich recalled. (Also read the stories of his mother, brothers, Lviv friends about his childhood.)
In the children's company, GA was the ringleader. More than once participated in fights "wall to wall".
In 1964, he began to seriously engage in boxing in the Dynamo sports society. He was a two-time junior boxing champion of Ukraine in the second welterweight division in 1967 and 1968. But in 1969, the coach decided it was time to choose, "boxing or everything else" and GA left serious boxing.
At that time, Yavlinsky already knew for sure that he wanted to become an economist. (O school years GA, whom his friends called "Garik", his classmates say).
In the ninth grade, the GA decided that after graduating from school, you need to go to enter a good Moscow university. This required excellent knowledge of specialized subjects. In order to buy time for additional classes, the GA decided to move to an evening school for working youth. At the same time, he gets a job.
For a short time he worked at the Lvov post office as a freight forwarder, at a leather goods factory and "donkey" as an electrician at the Lvov glass company "Rainbow". (A colleague in the workshop Mikhailo Andreiko talks about “working days”.) Taking a vacation in the summer of 1969, he left for Moscow and entered the Institute of National Economy. Plekhanov (colloquially - Pleshka) to the general economic faculty with a degree in labor economics.
Pleshka - Council of Ministers
During the student years, in addition to studying, something else happened - marriage, caring for a small child. From the exotic: Yavlinsky twice ran at the joke competition, which was organized every year by Pleshka students.
In 1973 he graduated from the institute, and in 1976 - postgraduate studies, becoming a candidate of economic sciences. Dissertation topic: "Improving the division of labor of workers in the chemical industry."
In 1976-77, the GA worked as a senior engineer, then a senior researcher at the All-Union Research Institute of Coal Industry Management (VNIUugol). Traveled all over the country, worked for a long time in Kemerovo, Novokuznetsk, Prokopyevsk. He was engaged in the rationing of the work of employees and engineers of mines and cuts, developed the first (and last) qualification handbook in the USSR (for the first time, job rates and volumes of tasks for each employee, safety standards for various works, etc.)
In 1980, the GA was appointed head of the heavy industry sector of the Labor Research Institute of the State Committee for Labor and Social Affairs.
In 1980-82 he dealt with the problems of improving the economic mechanism of the USSR. After speaking at the academic council with a scientific report on this topic (1982), all copies (including those sent out) of the abstracts of the report were seized, and the GA was "planted" in a tuberculosis hospital. Semyon Levin, a famous designer, tells about life there, the one who came up with the NTV brand name - the green “pea”.
Since 1984, the GA has been working in the system of the State Committee for Labor: as deputy head of the consolidated department, then head of the department for social development and population.
In the summer of 1989, Leonid Abalkin, who had just become Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR and headed the commission on economic reform, invited him to the post of head of the Consolidated Economic Department of the apparatus of the State Commission of the Council of Ministers of the USSR on economic reform (known as the "Abalkin Commission").
Deputy Prime Minister of Russia - Deputy Prime Minister of the USSR
Ideology economic development, defended by Yavlinsky, did not receive support from Prime Minister Nikolai Ivanovich Ryzhkov, and was not included in the final version of the government program.
In the winter-spring of 1990, Yavlinsky, together with Alexei Mikhailov and Mikhail Zadornov (then a junior research fellow at the Institute of Economics of the USSR Academy of Sciences), are working on a project to reform the economy of the USSR, called "400 Days of Trust". In it, a program of sequence of government actions for the corresponding period was painted by day.
The program fell into the hands of Mikhail Bocharov, a deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, and under the name "500 days" was proposed by B.N. Yeltsin, then Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, as a program for reforming the Russian economy (and not the USSR, as in the Yavlinsky group).
At the initiative of Yavlinsky, an agreement is reached between the two conflicting parties - Gorbachev and Yeltsin - to develop joint measures to carry out economic reforms in the USSR on the basis of the "500 Days" program, and a working group for developing programs is being created.
B. Yeltsin entrusted the preparation of the document to a group of economists led by Academician Stanislav Shatalin and M. Gorbachev to the group of Grigory Yavlinsky. The program was approved on September 11, 1990 by the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR.
Yavlinsky was appointed to the post of deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR and chairman of the State Commission for Economic Reform (Zadornov and Mikhailov became members of the commission with the rank of deputy ministers).
Academician Sergei Aleksashenko, Leonid Grigoriev, Mikhail Zadornov, Vladimir Mashits, Alexei Mikhailov, Nikolai Petrakov, Boris Fedorov, Stanislav Shatalin, Evgeny Yasin, Tatyana Yarygina, representatives of the Union Republics took part in the work.
By September 1, 1990, the 500 Days Program and 20 draft laws for it were prepared, approved by the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR and submitted for consideration by the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.
The program aroused resistance from the pre-Council of Ministers of the USSR Ryzhkov.
The atmosphere of the work of the two competing teams is characterized by the story of one of the participants in the working meetings at Gorbachev's. USSR Finance Minister Valentin Pavlov tried to hide the real budget figures. Yavlinsky from under the table (so as not to see Gorbachev) showed Pavlov a sheet of paper on which he wrote in large letters: "It smells like the Nuremberg Trials!"
Ryzhkov proposed to the Supreme Council an alternative draft "Basic Directions of Development" and threatened with his resignation. By that time, the political position taken by Gorbachev had also changed. Equal membership of all the republics, as assumed in "500 days", and not vertical subordination to the Center seemed not to strengthen the union treaty, but an attack on it.
In the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Gorbachev advocated the unification of the programs of Yavlinsky-Shatalin and Abalkin-Ryzhkov, which, in the opinion of both sides, was decidedly impossible.
The program of the President of the USSR was born out of a compromise between "500 Days" and "Main Directions". In addition, the Union and Russian governments did not fulfill their obligations, although most of the leaders of the republics of the SSR supported the "500 days", some republics accepted it as a basis in their Supreme Soviets, and the center began to receive work plans agreed with the main course of the program.
At a joint meeting of the House of Representatives and the House of Nationalities of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR on October 17, 1990, Yavlinsky resigned. He stated that the transition to a market system would be made anyway, but "entry into the market in this case will not be through stabilization, but through increasing inflation." (See also the letter of G.A. Yavlinsky to the deputies of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR with a request for resignation.)
In addition to working on "500 Days", in three and a half months, Yavlinsky's team prepared the first law on privatization (the law "On the procedure for the acquisition of property by citizens from the state", subsequently greatly worsened by the Supreme Council) and the entire package of accompanying decrees; a new structure of the government was developed, corresponding to the time (in particular, with provisions on new committees: Antimonopoly, State Property Management, etc.); developed technical side resolution "On joint-stock companies, which has been in force until recently.
At the end of 1990, Yavlinsky created (together with the team that began to take shape around him since his time at the Ministry of Labor) the non-governmental research organization EPICenter: Economic and Political Research Center. Yavlinsky is its permanent chairman. Subsequently, the work of the center became the most important integral part activities of the faction, and then the Yabloko party. In the 1990s, EPICenter rented premises on the 27th floor of the former CMEA building - with a view of the White House.
In April 1991, the US State Department officially invited Yavlinsky to a meeting of the G7 expert council with participant status. His speech at the "Seven" became the basis for creating a program for integrating the Soviet economy into the world economic system "Consent for a Chance". The work is carried out by the EPIcenter together with scientists from Harvard University (USA) with the political support of the President of the USSR M. Gorbachev. (Here - Mikhail Leontiev about the program "Consent for a Chance" and the program itself).
The draft was ready in July 1991 and made public at the next meeting of the G-7 in London. But Gorbachev soon abandoned its implementation under pressure from Prime Minister V.S. Pavlov, V. Medvedev, member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU, secretary for ideology and V.A. Kryuchkov, chairman of the KGB.
During the coup in August 1991, Yavlinsky was in the White House. On September 21, in the evening, arrests of the GKachepists took place.
In order to ensure civilian control, arrests were involved as public witnesses famous people. Yavlinsky, in particular, was asked to join the group that was going to arrest Boris Karlovich Pugo, Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR in 1990-91. Contrary to rumors circulating in the leftist press, he shot himself before they came for him. His son talks about it.
After the August coup in 1991, the government collapsed, and the operational management of the national economy of the USSR on August 24 was transferred to a specially created Committee with the same name - KOUNH CCCH, headed by Ivan Silaev. Yavlinsky (along with the President of the Scientific and Industrial Union of the USSR Arkady Volsky and Vice Mayor of Moscow Yuri Luzhkov) was appointed Deputy Chairman of the Committee in the rank of Deputy Prime Minister by decree of the President of the USSR M. Gorbachev. From October to December 1991 he is also a member of the Political Consultative Committee under the President of the USSR.
The working group headed by him prepared the "Treaty on Economic Cooperation between the Republics of the USSR" and 26 appendices to it.
The purpose of the Treaty was to preserve the common economic space and market of the USSR, regardless of the future political union of the republics.
The agreement and annexes provided for the creation of an International Economic Committee to regulate relations between the republics, the Banking Union, Arbitration, the preservation of a single currency, the labor market and the movement of labor, the implementation of a single monetary policy, and so on. See the assessment of the "Contract" in an interview with Yuri Luzhkov here.
The agreement was initialed on October 18, 1991 in Alma-Ata by representatives of 10 republics, ratified by Russia in the Kremlin. However, Yeltsin was against the strengthening of the new supra-allied formation, since this called into question his powers of authority. His advisers said that without the "ballast" of the less developed republics, Russia would quickly jump into the market.
Nevertheless, in November Yeltsin offered the premiership to Yavlinsky. The president's condition was to break economic ties with the republics. Yavlinsky could not agree with this approach and put forward his own conditions: the preservation of the economic union, the key economic posts in the government should be nominated and enter the government as a team. E. Gaidar was appointed vice-premier.
The day after the conclusion of the Belovezhskaya Accords, Yavlinsky and his comrades (M.M. Zadornov, A.Yu. Mikhailov, T.V. Yarygina, V.N. Kushchenko) left the government, and the Committee ceased to exist.
In September 1991, with the written permission of Gorbachev, Yavlinsky made a sensational statement about the size of the gold reserves of the USSR, which turned out to be extremely small. (The story about this is from Vladimir Raevsky, Minister of Finance of the USSR from August 1991 to February 1992).
Democratic Alternative
In the spring of 1992, Yavlinsky's team presented for the first time a democratic alternative to Gaidar's reforms based on serious economic analysis. (Work "Diagnosis", Moscow, 1992.)
From May to November 1992, Yavlinsky's EPIcenter worked out a program of regional reforms with the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod region. The main measures to stabilize the economy were the first regional issue of regional loan bonds, which solved the problem of lack of cash (and was fully paid), the release of producers from non-production costs, and the introduction of the information system "On-line tracking of social indicators". Yavlinsky believes that, as a result of three months of work, he managed to create the basis for the formation of a market infrastructure and make a number of proposals regarding a "new federalism" in Russia ("seek solutions not from top to bottom, but from bottom to top"). The results of the work are described in the book "Nizhny Novgorod Prologue" published by EPIcenter in 1993.
He was a member of the Public Council on Foreign and Defense Policy established on June 22, 1992.(co-chairman of the Russian Union of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs A. Volsky, along with deputies of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR E. Ambartsumov, S. Yushenkov, and others).
Member of the Editorial Board of Novaya Gazeta, the predecessor of Novaya Gazeta.
In 1993, Yavlinsky began developing a privatization project in Moscow "not according to Chubais" - "Moscow Privatization", approved in early 1995.
After Yeltsin's decree on the dissolution of parliament in September 1993 and the response of the Supreme Council's attempts to remove the president from power, Yavlinsky, considering the decisions of the President and the actions of the Supreme Council illegal, proposed a compromise option that provided for simultaneous early elections of the president and parliament (the order of their organization was also proposed) , rejection of criminal and extrajudicial prosecution of political opponents, etc.
However, on September 28, 1993, he had to admit that a compromise was no longer realistic and that what should be sought from Parliament was mainly to surrender firearms, and from the presidential team - the organization of simultaneous elections and their postponement to a later date (February-March 1994).
After the capture of the mayor's office and the storming of Ostankino on October 3, 1993, he condemned Ye. Gaidar's call for unarmed citizens to come to defend the Moscow City Council building and demanded a resolute suppression of the armed rebellion.
He participated in the elections to the State Duma in 1993 as the leader of the Yabloko electoral bloc - the bloc received 7.86% of the vote and 27 seats in the State Duma.
In November 1994, after the well-known "campaign" on Grozny and the capture of a group of Russian tankmen, Yavlinsky, together with his Yabloko colleagues, went to Chechnya, offering himself as a hostage in exchange for prisoners.
In January 1995, the Yabloko association was formed, and Yavlinsky was elected chairman. Yavlinsky participated in the 1995 election campaign as the leader of Yabloko - the association received 6.89% of the vote and 46 seats in the State Duma.
In 1996, Yavlinsky was nominated as a candidate for the post of President of the Russian Federation from the democratic opposition, scored 7.4%
Yavlinsky is married. He has two sons.
Wife - Elena Anatolyevna. Grigory Yavlinsky met her at the institute. She is an engineer-economist, she worked at the Institute of Coal Engineering (NII "Giprouglemash") before the "perestroika" cuts.
The eldest son, Mikhail (born in 1971), graduated from the Physics Department of Moscow State University in the Department of Theoretical Physics. Works as a journalist.
The youngest, Alexei (born in 1981), defended his Ph.D. thesis, works as an engineer - researcher in the creation of computer systems.
material prepared by Evgenia Dillendorf
Wife Elena: "I'll cut off everything you have hanging out if you use the child for your political interests even once"
[...] [Grigory Yavlinsky] will never talk to strangers about his sons.[...] The Yabloko leader is generally not inclined to talk about his family, and in the past this gave rise to a whole host of rumors, for example, about his wife's lameness. In order to stop all sorts of nonsense that could negatively affect his image, Grigory Alekseevich brought his wife Elena into the light. But the obedient and meek Elena Alekseevna showed an iron will when it came to the safety of her sons...
Before that terrible episode, the children of Yavlinsky did not even think about living abroad. Senior, Michael [this is an adopted son from his wife's first marriage - prim Kompromat.Ru], from an early age he composed music (experts say - very good), played the piano, tried to write. At the same time, he also gravitated towards the exact sciences, therefore he graduated from the Physics Department of Moscow State University, and went to work in a bank. As he himself said, “for the sake of money,” which, after marrying a classmate, turned out to be by no means superfluous, but he didn’t want to constantly overpower dad with requests.
The youngest son of Yavlinsky, Lesha, was also a completely independent boy from childhood, he went to an ordinary Kindergarten in Kuntsevo and dreamed of becoming a cool computer scientist. Alexei treated big politics with contempt, he categorically refused to join Yabloko. And a completely unprecedented case for a VIP child - he was going to serve in the army.
Who knows, maybe it would have turned out that way, if not for the attack on the older brother, which turned the whole world upside down. family life Yavlinsky. In the late 90s, Mikhail was kidnapped by unknown criminals, whose identities were never established. Father was given a terrible package - severed phalanges of fingers right hand, wrapped in a note: "If you don't leave politics, we'll cut off your son's head." Mikhail himself was released immediately after the "black mark". In a matter of hours, he was taken to the surgical department, where doctors performed a successful reconstructive operation. But he will never be able to play the piano again ... [The kidnapping refers to the spring of 1996 - the beginning of the presidential election campaign; there was only one finger, not several. Then the incident did not appear in the press, except for the mention in the Parisian "Russian Thought". Apparently, because Yavlinsky himself asked his people, including newspapermen, those who were in the know, not to write anything about this. And a couple of years later, this story suddenly surfaced in "Arguments" and several other publications - as if it had just happened - approx. Kompromat.Ru]
Why such a terrible action was needed is not known for certain. The journalists were then told that some hooligans had beaten Mikhail and broke his finger. On the sidelines of the State Duma, it was rumored that in this way some kind of super-profitable contract for Russia was thwarted [for the disposal of nuclear waste - approx. Kompromat.Ru]. Yavlinsky Jr. - Mikhail and Alexei - moved to London for security reasons, and Grigory Alekseevich himself fell ill with a heart attack and fell silent for a long time.
[Yavlinsky's detractors add color to this tragic episode. Allegedly, Elena Anatolyevna spoke about this approximately in the following spirit: "I will cut off everything that you have hanging out if you ever use the child in your political interests at least once." However, it is hard to believe that this woman, of course, of good taste, could express her feelings in such a vulgar way.// "Beautiful Elena and "Apple", "Career", November 1999- approx. Kompromat.Ru]
Vladimir Zhirinovsky immediately took advantage of the pause, calling the scum who mutilated Mikhail Yavlinsky "real patriots." God be his judge with his concepts of "true patriotism." He seems to be absolutely calm about his offspring: after all, a child in the Duma is under constant supervision.
Family
Father: Alexei Grigorievich Yavlinsky(1919 (?) - 1981), the exact date of birth is unknown, during the Civil War he lost his parents, in the 1930s he was brought up in the commune-colony of Anton Semyonovich Makarenko in Kharkov. After graduating from the colony, he entered a flight school, and then served in the army in Andijan. Member of the Great Patriotic War. He finished the war as a senior lieutenant in the city of Vysoké Tatry (Czechoslovakia). After their marriage in 1947, the Yavlinskys lived in Lvov. Aleksey Yavlinsky since 1949 worked in the system of children's corrective labor and educational institutions. In 1961, he was appointed director of a distribution colony for the homeless.
Mother: Vera Naumovna- was born in 1924 in Kharkov. Immediately after the war, she moved with her family to Lvov from Tashkent, where the family lived in evacuation. Graduated with honors from the Faculty of Chemistry of Lviv University. She taught chemistry at the institute.
In 1952, the Yavlinskys had a son, Grigory, and in 1957, his brother Mikhail (born 1957), who now lives in Lvov and is engaged in small business.
Yavlinsky is married and has two sons.
Wife - Elena Anatolievna(nee Smotryaeva), engineer-economist, worked at the Institute of Coal Engineering (NII "Giprouglemash") before the "perestroika" cuts.
Native youngest son, Alexei(born in 1981), defended his Ph.D. thesis, works as a research engineer in the creation of computer systems.
Adopted eldest son from wife's first marriage, Michael(born in 1971), graduated from the Faculty of Physics of Moscow State University in the Department of Theoretical Physics and the specialty "Nuclear Physics", works as a journalist.
Biography
In the first grade, Yavlinsky went to the third school in Lvov, and later moved to one of the special schools. Gregory did well in most subjects (for example, by the eighth grade he was fluent in English).
At school, Yavlinsky got acquainted with the work of the English musical group The Beatles, became a fanatical fan of them and even grew long hair.
Twice he became the champion of Ukraine in boxing among juniors in 1967 and in 1968, but after the coach offered him to choose between boxing and "everything else" from the sport, Yavlinsky left.
In 1968-1969, Yavlinsky left school (entered evening school) and decided to work: he became a freight forwarder at the Lviv post office, at a haberdashery factory, then as an electrician at the Lvov glass company Raduga, where he joined the team for adjusting glass equipment . Despite the difficult working conditions (the workers worked next to red-hot furnaces), Yavlinsky was able to establish himself well and was accepted by other workers, who at first teased the junior in the brigade.
In 1969 he entered the Plekhanov Moscow Institute of National Economy (MINH) at the Faculty of Labor Economics. While studying with friends, they published their own samizdat newspaper "We". “How come we weren’t imprisoned for samizdat then,” Yavlinsky’s classmate later recalled Dmitry Kalyuzhny. However, under the threat of being thrown out of the institute, he turned out to be not at all for the samizdat press, but for a quarrel with the Komsomol organizer. The quarrel turned into a scandal, but the future politician was saved by classmates and friends: instead of being expelled, the Komsomol meeting recommended that he be accepted into the party.
In 1973 he graduated from the institute, and in 1976 - postgraduate studies at the Minkha. Among his teachers was Academician Leonid Abalkin. Doctor of Economic Sciences.
In 1978 he defended his Ph.D. thesis on "Improving the division of labor of workers in the chemical industry."
From 1976 to 1977 he worked as a senior engineer at the All-Union Research Institute of Coal Industry Management, from 1977 to 1980 in the same place - a senior researcher.
He was engaged in the regulation of the work of employees and engineers of mines, worked in Kemerovo, Novokuznetsk, Prokopyevsk, developed a special qualification guide used in the coal industry. Once I got into a production accident at a mine, after which I was in the hospital (the doctors could not save some of the victims in that accident).
From 1980 to 1984 he worked as the head of the sector of the research institute of labor of the State Committee on Labor and Social Affairs (Goskomtrud), since 1984 - deputy head of the department and head of the department of the State Labor Committee.
In 1982-1985, he was subjected to implicit political persecution for writing the work "Problems of Improving the Economic Mechanism in the USSR", in which he predicted the onset of an economic crisis. The text and drafts of the book were confiscated from Yavlinsky, and he was summoned several times for an interview at a special department of the institute. With this, he connects the attempt to forcibly treat him "for tuberculosis" in 1984-1985. Yavlinsky claims that he barely avoided an operation to remove a lung and was discharged from the hospital with a diagnosis of "perfectly healthy" after coming to power.
In 1986, together with colleagues from the State Committee for Labor, he wrote his own draft law on the state enterprise, which was rejected by those who led the preparation of the law. Nikolai Talyzin(Chairman of the State Planning Committee of the USSR) and Heydar Aliyev(1st Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR) as too liberal.
On February 21, 2005, at the Central Economics and Mathematics Institute (CEMI) of the Russian Academy of Sciences, he defended his doctoral dissertation on the topic of the socio-economic system of Russia and the problem of its modernization.
Author of more than sixty books and scientific publications. Last: Realeconomik: The Hidden Cause of the Great Recession (and How to Avert the Next One). Yale University Press 2011 "s Phony Capitalism" (1998), "Incentives and Institutions: The Transition to a Market Economy in Russia" (Princeton University Press, 2000), "Demodernization" (2002), "Peripheral Capitalism" (2003), "Prospects for Russia" (2006) and others.
Politics
Yavlinsky was a member of the CPSU from 1985 to 1991.
In the summer of 1989, Abalkin, having become deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, invited Yavlinsky to the post of head of department and at the same time secretary of the State Commission of the Council of Ministers of the USSR on economic reform ("Abalkin's commission").
In the spring of 1990, Yavlinsky, together with young economists Alexey Mikhailov and Mikhail Zadornov wrote a project to reform the economy by transferring it to market rails called "400 days".
The program was sent to members of the government and leading economists and it was proposed for implementation without attribution. Mikhail Bocharov, running for the post of Prime Minister of the RSFSR (due to which many had the impression that he was the author of the program). After a clarification of relations on the sidelines of the Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR, Bocharov recognized the authorship of Yavlinsky, who, after a conversation with Boris Yeltsin July 16, 1990 received the post of Chairman of the RSFSR State Commission for Economic Reform and Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR.
Yeltsin proposed the idea of this program (already called "500 days") to Gorbachev for joint implementation. On their initiative, at the end of July 1990, it was created under the leadership of an academician Stanislav Shatalin working group, which was instructed to develop a unified Union program for the transition to market economy based on "500 days". Deputy Shatalin was appointed Nikolai Petrakov.
Work on the program, Yavlinsky became the main author of the program, lasted 27 days, and its idea led to a temporary political rapprochement between the leadership of the USSR and the RSFSR. The program provided for an agreement between sovereign republics on economic union, the resolution of all types of property, the beginning of the privatization of state-owned enterprises. To reduce the budget deficit, it was proposed to cut aid to developing countries, cut spending on the army and the state apparatus, but no monetary reform was envisaged.
The program received the support of all 15 republics, but met with resistance from the Council of Ministers of the USSR, and in October 1990 the Supreme Soviet of the USSR practically rejected it.
In the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Gorbachev advocated the unification of the programs of Yavlinsky-Shatalin and the alternative program of Abalkin-Ryzhkov, which, according to both sides, was impossible.
When it became clear that the government of the USSR did not intend to implement the 500 Days program, Yeltsin announced that Russia would undertake to carry it out alone, without the rest of the union republics, which was a purely political step, since the program designed for a union of republics could not be implemented only in one of them.
On October 17, 1990, Yavlinsky resigned from the post of Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of Russia. Subsequently, he emphasized that the implementation of the "500 days" would make it possible to preserve the union state.
In January 1991, he was appointed economic adviser to the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the RSFSR (on a voluntary basis). At the same time, he headed the Inter-Republican Center for Economic and Political Research (EPICentre) organized by him.
He promoted another reform program, developed by him with the assistance of specialists from Harvard University (USA), - "Agreement for a Chance", in which assistance from developed countries was to play a significant role in changing the Soviet economy.
In the spring of 1991 he was appointed a member of the Supreme economic council Kazakhstan - advisory body under the President Nursultan Nazarbayev.
During the coup attempt in August 1991, he was in the White House, on August 20, 1991 he left the CPSU.
On August 22, 1991, together with the heads of law enforcement agencies, he went (as a "public witness") to arrest the Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR Boris Pugo (by the time they arrived, Pugo and his wife had committed suicide).
August 28, 1991 became Deputy Ivan Silaev as chairman of the Committee for Operational Management of the National Economy of the USSR, responsible for economic reform. In this post, he made a sensational statement about the size of the gold reserves of the USSR, which turned out to be extremely small. In connection with the dissolution of the USSR, the Committee ceased its work at the end of 1991.
From October to December 1991 he was a member of the Political Advisory Council under the President of the USSR. He was also a member of the working group for the preparation of the Treaty on economic cooperation between the republics of the USSR. He sharply criticized the disavowal by the Russian government of the signature of the Minister of Economy of the RSFSR Evgenia Saburova under the treaty on the Interstate Economic Community.
From June 1 to September 1, 1992, Yavlinsky's "EPICentre", under an agreement with the administration of the Nizhny Novgorod Region, worked out a regional reform program. The main measures to stabilize the economy were the issuance of regional loan bonds, which was supposed to solve the problem of lack of cash, the release of producers from non-production costs, as well as the introduction of the information system "On-line tracking of social indicators". Yavlinsky believes that, as a result of three months of work, he managed to create the basis for the formation of a market infrastructure and make a number of proposals regarding a "new federalism" in Russia ("seek solutions not from top to bottom, but from bottom to top"). The results of the experiment are described in the book "Nizhny Novgorod Prologue" (1993) published by "EPICentre".
Yavlinsky also tried to apply the experience of Nizhny Novgorod in Novosibirsk, where in October 1992 he became an economic consultant to the regional administration, and in St. Petersburg, where the mayor Anatoly Sobchak invited him to develop an urban model of privatization.
Entered the Public Council on Foreign and Defense Policy (SVOP) established on June 22, 1992 (along with Sergei Karaganov– the initiator of the creation and head of the SWAP, Sergei Stankevich, Evgeny Ambartsumov, Arakdy Volsky and others).
In November 1992, at the international seminar "Doing business with Russia", he made a policy statement in which he argued that the government's financial stabilization policy Yegor Gaidar failed, and there are no political or economic prerequisites for it ("you can't stabilize the currency of a country that doesn't exist"), pointed to the need to maximize the facilitation of trade between the former Soviet republics and the transition to systemic transformations (land reform and privatization). This statement was regarded as "a soft start to the election campaign."
In an interview with the Russian Thought newspaper, he said that, if he was elected president, he would like to see in his team Yuri Boldyrev, Konstantin Zatulin("they will work").
After bloody riots during a demonstration on May 1, 1993 in Moscow, he demanded that the authorities punish their perpetrators.
In September 1993, regarding Yeltsin's decree on the dissolution of parliament and the retaliatory attempts of the Supreme Council (SC) to remove Yeltsin from power, at the first moment he stated that "the president's decisions are certainly illegal, but the actions of the SC are illegitimate", offering the conflicting parties "mutual rejection of steps taken on September 21 and 22" and "setting the date of simultaneous early presidential and parliamentary elections" at the beginning of 1994 (i.e. a compromise program similar to the "zero option" of the Chairman of the Constitutional Court Valery Zorkin).
September 25, 1993 signed the "Program of 14" ( Alexander Vladislavlev, Sergey Glazyev, Anatoly Denisov, Igor Klochkov, Vasily Lipitsky, Nikolai Ryzhkov, Vasily Tretyakov, Nikolai Fedorov, Egor Yakovlev and others), which proposed holding simultaneous early parliamentary and presidential elections based on a modified "zero option": decisions of all authorities from September 21, "affecting constitutional issues", are suspended, and the activities of the Supreme Council and its commissions are reduced to new elections to control functions and consideration of legislative initiatives of the government.
On September 28, 1993, at a press conference, he said that the compromise "according to Zorkin" was already unrealistic and that, in his opinion, the parliament should be sought mainly to surrender firearms, and from the presidential team - simultaneous elections with their transfer from December to February - March 1994 Visited the White House with an intermediary mission.
After the events of October 3, 1993, when supporters of the parliament seized the mayor's office and stormed Ostankino, he demanded a resolute suppression of the rebellion by military force.
In October 1993, he created his own electoral association, the Yavlinsky-Boldyrev-Lukin Bloc (Yabloko), which included the Russian ambassador to the United States Vladimir Lukin, former head of the Control Department of the Administration of the President of Russia Yu. Boldyrev, Nikolai Petrakov, a number of employees of "EPICentre", as well as representatives of the Republican Party Russian Federation(RPRF), the Social Democratic Party of the Russian Federation (SDPR) and the Russian Christian Democratic Union - New Democracy (RHDS-ND) (the parties became the formal founders of the bloc).
On December 12, 1993, he was elected to the State Duma on the list of Yabloko. He was chairman of the Yabloko faction in the State Duma of the first convocation and a member of the Duma Council.
At the end of 1994, he condemned the outbreak of hostilities in Chechnya. Traveled to Chechnya with the aim of releasing Russian prisoners of war captured by the troops of Dzhokhar Dudayev (the trip was crowned with partial success).
In the 1995 State Duma elections, Yavlinsky headed the list of the Yabloko electoral association, which received 4th place (6.89% - 4,767,384 votes).
On February 9, 1996, the Central Election Commission registered authorized representatives of the Yabloko Association, which nominated Yavlinsky for the presidency of the Russian Federation.
In the first round of the presidential elections on June 16, 1996, he received 5,550,710 votes, or 7.41% (fourth place after Yeltsin, Gennady Zyuganov and Alexander Lebed). On the eve of the second round, he called not to vote for Zyuganov, but he did not come out with a direct recommendation to his supporters to vote for Yeltsin - which was expected and demanded of him by the Yeltsinists.
In April 1997, he opposed the signing of an agreement between Belarus and Russia.
Regarding the unification of Belarus and Russia, Yavlinsky stated that the time for unification had not yet come, and if the unification took place on the basis of the existing agreement, the idea would simply be discredited and this would only aggravate the economic and political situation in both countries.
On May 6, 1997, at a meeting with students of Moscow State University, he stated that it was necessary to amend the Constitution, which would deprive the president of the right to issue secret decrees, as well as to interfere in economic policy by issuing decrees. At the same time, Yavlinsky emphasized that all restrictions should not apply to the current president, since otherwise attempts to change the Constitution would be perceived as an attack on Yeltsin's powers personally. At the same meeting, he called Yuri Luzhkov "a very capable person and a very capable politician," and Anatoly Chubais- "one of the main architects of a system in which everyone steals."
In 1998, he joined the leadership of the Media Against Drugs movement.
In September 1998, he was the first to propose a candidate for the post of Prime Minister Evgenia Primakova. After the approval of Primakov in this post by the State Duma, he rejected the offer to join the government as Deputy Prime Minister for Social Affairs.
In September 1999, Yavlinsky headed the federal list of the Yabloko electoral association in the elections to the Duma of the third convocation.
On December 19, 1999, he was elected to the State Duma ("Yabloko" received 6th place in the elections - 3,955,457 votes, 5.93%). He again headed the Duma faction Yabloko.
On January 15, 2000, the Central Council of Yabloko decided to nominate Yavlinsky as a candidate for the presidency of Russia by an initiative group of citizens (but formally not from Yabloko - so as not to convene an expensive congress, and also so that the nomination would not be narrow-party).
On January 18, 2000, at the first meeting of the State Duma of the third convocation, the Yabloko faction refused all posts in the Duma in protest against the "conspiracy" with the Communists of the pro-presidential Unity faction, which resulted in the election of Gennady Seleznev as chairman of the Duma and the division of the majority of the Duma committees between " Unity", the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and their satellite groups ("People's Deputy" and "Agroindustrial").
On January 19, 2000, he was nominated as a presidential candidate by an initiative group of citizens headed by Sergei Kovalev. February 19 was registered by the Central Election Commission.
On March 26, 2000, he received 47,351,452 votes in the presidential elections (5.80% - 3rd place after Putin and Zyuganov).
Since autumn 2000 - co-chairman of the Russian Public Council for the Development of Education (ROSRO).
In January 2001, he delivered a speech at the All-Russian Congress "In Defense of Human Rights". In particular, he said:
"In ten years, our country has experienced two wars, one of which continues. Two defaults, one of them grandiose, in 1998. Hyperinflation in 1992, which destroyed all the material possibilities of our fellow citizens. In 1993, we faced the beginning civil war. The energy accumulated during this time begins to turn into a new quality - our country has ceased to count its dead. Now we do not pay attention to how many people die every day both in hot spots and for many other reasons that are completely inexplicable from the point of view of logic, law and the Constitution. A country that does not count its dead is embarking on a very dangerous path - it doesn't care. This is exactly what is needed for the biggest political adventures.".
In February 2001, in an interview, he said that in Russia "a corporate police state is being created ... Putin does everything consciously and purposefully ... He is perfectly aware of everything."
At the same time, analyzing the annual activities of the new government, he said that Russia risks becoming "not a strong, but an arrogant state" if the authorities do not give up their desire to build a "corporate, bureaucratic, police" state in the country with "complete domination of an official over a citizen."
On April 3, 2001, in the Itogi program, he opposed new personnel appointments at NTV, and on April 4, 2001, he suggested that the State Duma of the Russian Federation consider a draft resolution in support of NTV. The State Duma did not support Yavlinsky's initiative.
In April 2001, he took the initiative to create a Democratic Conference - a broad coalition of democratic forces, the structure of which would exclude the dominance of individual politicians or parties.
On June 19, 2001, the first All-Russian Democratic Conference, convened on the initiative of Yavlinsky, began its work. The Conference was attended by 22 political and civil organizations.
In September 2001, Yavlinsky was accused by the former chairman of the Moscow youth Yabloko Andrey Sharomov and Vyacheslav Igrunov in authoritarianism and inciting internal party squabbles "in the spirit of Stalinism." In response, he said that, probably, Sharomov and Igrunov were simply implementing a plan to destroy Yabloko.
September 18, 2001, one week after major terrorist attacks in the United States, said that Russia should actively participate in international anti-terrorist operations.
October 14, 2001 was elected chairman Regional Party"Apple" of the city of Moscow (RPMYA) (instead of Igrunov). He declared that he was forced to take over the temporary management of the organization in order to bring it out of the crisis and would remain as chairman of the RPMY for several months.
On December 22-23, 2001, a congress was held at which Yabloko was transformed into a political party. During the secret ballot on the night of December 23, Yavlinsky was re-elected leader of Yabloko. 472 delegates voted for his candidacy, 33 voted against. There were no abstentions. No alternative candidates were put forward.
In April 2002, speaking at the conference "Vectors of Development modern Russia", said that a "corporate-bureaucratic system" had developed in Russia and there was a "transition to a police state", and accused the Kremlin of censoring television.
On June 5, 2002, the Kuntsevsky court of the capital partially satisfied the claim of the President of Bashkiria Murtaza Rakhimov on the protection of honor and dignity to Yavlinsky. The court ordered the defendant to pay the plaintiff 20 thousand rubles in compensation. During the election campaign to the State Duma in the fall of 1999, Yabloko activists distributed election leaflets in Bashkiria, which contained calls to vote for Yavlinsky's supporters and criticized the local authorities. In particular, the current republican leadership was called "a feudal regime that is squeezing oil, gas, and minerals out of the republic." The messages to voters were signed by Yavlinsky.
October 23, 2002 at about 9 pm in Moscow to the theater building at st. Melnikova, 17, where the musical "Nord-Ost" was on, a group of 40 armed Chechens (including women) burst in and took hostage all the spectators and actors. In total about 800 people. On the morning of the next day, the terrorists demanded Yavlinsky and Irina Khakamada to come to them for negotiations. At that time, Yavlinsky was in Tomsk at the funeral of the tragically deceased leader regional office"Apple" Oleg Pletnev. He urgently flew to Moscow and late in the evening held negotiations with the terrorists. Their results were not reported.
October 29, 2002 was invited to a meeting with the President in the Kremlin. Putin thanked him "for taking part in the work to free the hostages": "You are one of those who took part, played a very positive role and, unlike others, did not make yourself a PR out of this."
On November 1, 2002, the State Duma refused to include in the agenda of the plenary session a draft resolution on the need for a parliamentary investigation into the circumstances of the seizure and release of hostages in Moscow, proposed by the Yabloko faction. Yavlinsky said that this happened as a result of the actions of the SPS faction.
"Firstly, the State Duma is afraid of freedom of speech, afraid to give a platform to independent deputies and uses the Duma apparatus, which, through fraud and machinations, does not allow consideration of the resolution. Secondly, the Union of Right Forces is involved in this unscrupulous game. Their draft resolution has been left on the agenda."
According to Yavlinsky, the SPS project was written to please the presidential administration, because all the blame is shifted to Moscow doctors. "But the decisions were made above the doctors."
On December 23, 2002, at a press conference, he named politicians who, in his opinion, have no place in a single coalition of democratic forces. "These are members of the Union of Right Forces - people with whom we cannot cooperate for reasons of principle - such as Anatoly Chubais and Sergei Kirienko". He stated that for Yabloko" it is quite acceptable to cooperate with Irina Khakamada and - to a large extent - with Boris Nemtsov.
According to Yavlinsky, the credibility of the association of democrats will be negligible if the coalition is headed by those who supported the war in Chechnya, carried out criminal privatization, built state financial pyramids and carried out selfish defaults.
In January 2003, the leaders of the Union of Right Forces, through representatives of large Russian business, proposed to Yavlinsky a compromise variant of interaction between the two parties. This option provided for the formation of a single party list, the top three of which would be headed by Nemtsov, Yavlinsky and Khakamada. At the same time, Yavlinsky would have been nominated as a single candidate from democratic forces in the presidential elections.
On January 29, 2003, Yavlinsky was to meet with Nemtsov to discuss joint actions in the 2003 parliamentary elections. However, on January 28, the Union of Right Forces received a letter from Yavlinsky and his deputy Sergei Ivanenko, in which they refused to meet: "Due to the fact that numerous print and electronic media have already detailed your proposals and we were able to familiarize ourselves with them, the meeting scheduled on your initiative has lost its meaning."
On April 27, 2003, at a meeting of the bureau of the Federal Council of Yabloko, a statement was adopted by the bureau, signed by Yavlinsky, which stated that the faction of the party in the State Duma was instructed to initiate the question of the resignation of the government: the Bureau of the Federal Council of Yabloko believes that the Russian government is not coping with the duties entrusted to him, demonstrates complete incapacity ... to ensure the security of the country and its citizens, curb crime; failure of the most important economic reforms ...; anti-social policy; protection of the interests of large monopolies and oligarchic structures." In addition, Yabloko reproached the cabinet for "actual rejection of military reform" and "inability to carry out administrative reform."
In May 2003, a former associate of Yavlinsky spoke of her former party leader as follows:
“He is the bearer of mythological consciousness. At meetings with people, Yavlinsky tells how good it will be when Yabloko is in power. Mythological consciousness allows you not to solve existing problems, but to get away from them. He preaches sincerely, convincingly, but these are myths that served so talentedly and skillfully that some voters believe".
On June 18, 2003, speaking in the State Duma during a discussion of the issue of no confidence in the government initiated by the Yabloko and the Communists, Yavlinsky called on the deputies "not to remain a technical Duma with a technical government" and said that the Yabloko faction would vote for the resignation of the cabinet of ministers. The State Duma did not support the proposal to resign the government.
In July 2003, the Cheryomushkinsky Court of Moscow awarded Yavlinsky victory in a lawsuit with a journalist Alexander Gordon and TV channel M1. Yavlinsky filed a lawsuit for the protection of honor, dignity and business reputation, and the court found Gordon's claims that the USSR ceased to exist, including because of the activities of the head of Yabloko, untrue, discrediting the honor, dignity and business reputation. And also that the election campaign of Yavlinsky, who claimed the presidency, was financed from the United States. In addition, Gordon called Yavlinsky a bribe taker. According to the court decision, Gordon had to pay Yavlinsky 15,000 rubles as compensation for non-pecuniary damage.
On July 31, 2003, the interregional public movement "Yabloko without Yavlinsky" was established. The purpose of the founders is to draw attention to the plight in which the party found itself because of the policy of its leader. Movement leader Igor Morozov He explained the purpose of the initiative as follows:
"We have always supported the Yabloko party. We voted for it in the elections to the State Duma in both 1995 and 1999. The main thing for us has always been the party's loyalty to democratic ideals and its independence from any government: both from the state and from big capital "We used to believe that there was at least one party in the Duma that was distinguished by genuine intelligence and honesty towards voters. We do not like Yavlinsky's weakness, lust for power and populism. This repels voters from Yabloko. The party may not overcome the barrier of 5 % of votes in the elections to the State Duma, polls say the same public opinion. And after the failure in the elections, the party will disappear altogether as a political force. It pains us to see that party membership is currently associated with populism, destructiveness and irresponsibility.".
Sergei Mitrokhin called the establishment of the movement "a banal action of" black PR ". He also said that he is inclined to believe that "Anatoly Chubais and RAO UES are the sponsors of the event, and gentlemen Gozman and Trapeznikov are engaged in this."
On September 6, 2003, at the congress of the Yabloko party, Yavlinsky declared: "The candidate from Yabloko will participate in the presidential elections in Russia in 2004.
In September 2003, Yavlinsky was included in the federal list of the electoral association "Yabloko" under No. 1 in the central part of the list for participation in elections to the State Duma of the fourth convocation.
In September 2003, Yavlinsky announced that Yabloko would present its alternative draft federal budget for 2004, with social policy as a priority.
On September 29, 2003, at a meeting of the Central Election Commission, Yabloko's complaint against the actions of the Yabloko without Yavlinsky movement was upheld. The CEC decided to apply to the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Prosecutor General's Office "with a proposal to suppress illegal activities."
On December 7, 2003, in the elections to the State Duma of the fourth convocation, the Yabloko party, according to official data, gained 4.3% (6th place after 5 parties that entered the Duma), thus not overcoming the 5% barrier. According to other sources, Yabloko actually overcame the barrier, but its (as well as other parties) official percentage decreased due to the significant attribution of votes to the United Russia list.
On December 9, 2003, Yabloko began negotiations to create a coalition with the Union of Right Forces and other parties. According to Sergei Ivanenko, head of Yabloko's election campaign, it was about nominating a single candidate for the presidential election.
"Yabloko" sets itself the task of creating a serious, large party over the next four years, which will really unite the democratic opposition".
At the congress it was decided not to nominate a candidate for the presidential elections on March 14, 2004. Commenting on this decision, Yavlinsky said: "We would nominate our candidate if we considered it politically possible to participate in the elections. Free, equal politically competitive elections in Russia are impossible."
On March 29, 2004, the NTV television company reported that Yavlinsky could be appointed Russia's plenipotentiary representative to the European Union. The leadership of the Yabloko party confirmed this information.
In June 2004, Yavlinsky resigned as leader of the Moscow branch of Yabloko, which he held for two years, combining it with the post of chairman of the party. (Mitrokhin was elected the new chairman of the Moscow branch of the party).
On July 3-4, 2004, at the congress of the Yabloko party, Yavlinsky was again elected chairman of the party (190 votes in favor out of 252 delegates to the congress; the alternative candidate was the then head of the Sverdlovsk regional organization of Yabloko Yuri Kuznetsov received 59 votes.
In October 2004, Yavlinsky was awarded the international prize "For Freedom". The prize has been awarded since 1985 for the consistent upholding of the principles of democracy and human rights; was nominated for the prize by the Liberals, Democrats and Reformers faction of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe.
On December 12, 2004, speaking at the congress "Russia for democracy, against dictatorship", he said that all democratic forces could unite around his party. "In order to overcome helplessness and pseudo-democracy, democratic forces must be united, and Yabloko offers its party as the basis for such an association."
On July 2, 2005, Yavlinsky rejected the possibility of uniting with the Union of Right Forces, since, in his opinion, this party is undemocratic and is associated with the authorities.
On September 10, 2005, the Moscow branch of the Union of Right Forces decided to apply to Yabloko with a proposal to go to the elections to the Moscow City Duma on December 4, 2005 on a single list under the Yabloko brand (election blocs were banned by that time), but with the condition that two places in the first the top three of the list will get ATP.
On September 23, 2005, Yavlinsky announced: "We agree to a compromise solution: the first place in the general democratic list ... will be taken by the representative of the Union of Right Forces, Moscow City Duma deputy Dmitry Kataev. At the same time, the central part of the list is reduced to two people and the second position will be given to the Moscow City Duma deputy from Yabloko" Yevgeny Bunimovich.
On September 25, 2005, SPS leader Nikita Belykh and Yavlinsky announced that the list would be headed not by Kataev, but by Moscow City Duma deputy Ivan Novitsky.
On November 10, 2005, Yavlinsky and Belykh issued a special appeal in which they called on their supporters to come to the polls and vote for the Yabloko-United Democrats list.
On December 4, 2005, in the elections to the Moscow City Duma, the list "Yabloko - United Democrats" gained 11.11% (third place).
December 12, 2005, speaking at the All-Russian Civil Congress. Yavlinsky proposed a program of action - the concept of a new social contract. According to him, the basis of the agreement is "overcoming the alienation between the government and society, the abolition of all unjust decisions, as well as the solution of the problem of property": "The fate of Russia is not decided on the street, but through a new social contract. We need de-Stalinization and de-Bolshevization of the country."
On November 14, 2006, a party statement signed by Yavlinsky was published, stating that Yabloko considers the abolition of the turnout threshold for elections at all levels proposed by United Russia to be "another step towards turning elections into a farce." This proposal "directly leads to the elimination of the institution of real elections in Russia and its replacement with imitation."
On June 21-22, 2008, at the XV Congress of Yabloko, he proposed to elect Sergei Mitrokhin as the new chairman of the party, which was done (the Yavlinsky Congress itself was elected a member of the political committee).
On February 28, 2009, by decision No. 10 of the Political Committee of the RODP "Yabloko", the concept of overcoming the crisis and the quality of life proposed by Yavlinsky was adopted. economic growth"Earth-Houses-Roads". The Earth-Houses-Roads program was handed over to the Head of Government Vladimir Putin and President Dmitry Medvedev in the same year, but no action was taken to implement it.
On the night of September 10-11, 2011, at the XVI Congress of Yabloko, it was decided that Grigory Yavlinsky would head the party's electoral list for the State Duma elections on December 4, 2011.
On December 4, 2011, according to the official results of the vote, the party did not overcome the five percent threshold and did not receive seats in parliament. However, it won more than in the previous elections, receiving 3.43%, which guaranteed the party state funding. Yabloko also managed to get its deputies in three regions, including the Legislative Assembly of St. Petersburg: here the party received 12.5% of the vote and 6 mandates. Yavlinsky, who also headed the party list in these elections, agreed to head the Yabloko faction in St. Petersburg. He received a deputy mandate on December 14, 2011.
On December 19, 2011, the congress of the Yabloko party nominated Yavlinsky as a candidate for the presidency of Russia in the elections, which were scheduled for March 4, 2012.
On January 18, 2012, he handed over to the CEC two million signatures of voters necessary for participation in the elections in his support. The CEC, after verifying the signatures, refused to register Yavlinsky as a candidate, rejecting 23% of the submitted signatures.
On February 8, 2012, the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation considered Yavlinsky's complaint against the decision of the CEC, but recognized the refusal to register as legal. Yavlinsky himself commented on the withdrawal of his candidacy from the elections for political reasons.
In December 2011 - March 2012, Yavlinsky actively supported protests against electoral fraud that took place in Russia, and repeatedly spoke at rallies "For Fair Elections" in Moscow.
In early 2012, he suffered a serious heart attack, as a result of which doctors recommended that he adjust his busy schedule and lifestyle.
On March 18, 2012, he was hospitalized in a Moscow clinic with an attack of angina and therefore missed an opposition rally near Ostankino. On March 27 he was discharged from the hospital.
On May 14 and 15, 2012, Yavlinsky visited St. Isaac's Square in St. Petersburg, where an opposition camp was located.
In June 2015, Grigory Yavlinsky gathered for the fourth time for the presidential election campaign for the President of the Russian Federation.
In August 2016, the CEC of Russia registered the federal list of candidates for deputies of the State Duma of the seventh convocation of the Yabloko party.
Grigory Yavlinsky, the "founding father" of Yabloko, headed the federal part of the party's list. The federal part of the list also includes party chairman, ex-co-chairman of the RPR-PARNAS, leader of the Pskov branch of Yabloko, ex-party chairman Sergei Mitrokhin, adviser to Yavlinsky Mark Geilikman, deputy chairman of Yabloko Nikolai Rybakov and Alexander Gnezdilov, former mayor of Petrozavodsk Galina Shirshina and a member of the State Duma.
Income
Yavlinsky in 2013 filed a declaration of income for the previous year in the amount of 7.4 million rubles earned through scientific activities. His wife earned 116 rubles in a year.
Rumors (scandals)
In the spring of 1996, when the presidential election campaign began, the son of a politician Mikhail Yavlinsky became a victim of political blackmail. He was kidnapped by unknown criminals, whose identities have never been established.
Grigory Yavlinsky received the package. The severed finger of the son's right hand was wrapped in a note: "If you don't leave politics, we'll cut off your son's head."
Immediately after that, Mikhail was released. The doctors performed a successful reconstructive operation. It was after this that the sons of Grigory Yavlinsky moved to London for security purposes.
May 10, 2004 in the TV program Andrey Karaulov"Moment of Truth" was shown a story about the oil fields "Sakhalin-1" and "Sakhalin-2", developed by Shell. The story reported that "as a result of the transfer of these mines to a foreign company, Russia lost at least $ 2.5 billion", in addition, "42 thousand residents of Sakhalin froze in their apartments due to the fact that local authority cannot buy Sakhalin gas from Shell at world prices."
